美国政府救助无家可归儿童的机构、职能及运作分析

美国作为联邦制国家,其联邦、州及地方各级政府的权力分配是影响公共救助事业的关键因素。在无家可归儿童救助领域,美国各级政府建立起权责明确的职能部门,并通过项目管理的模式,形成了联邦政府主导、州与地方政府协调管理、非营利组织具体执行的分工协作式的无家可归儿童救助系统。美国政府在无家可归儿童救助事务方面的机构设置、项目运作、成效评估等几方面的经验值得我国在建设流浪儿童救助体系时学习借鉴。     

The Third Sector, Human Security, and Anti-Terrorism: The United States and Beyond

This paper, a revised version of the keynote address to the Seventh International Conference of the International Society for Third Sector Research (Bangkok, July 2006), explores the increasing tendency of governments to view the third sector as a source of human insecurity and uncivil society in the wake of terrorist attacks. The paper discusses the means governments use to control third sector activity that they view as potentially linked to terrorism, the need for comparative analysis of these measures, and the role of the third sector and scholars in recognizing the responsibilities of governments to prevent third sector organizations being used in terrorism while preserving the independence and vitality of the third sector.Professor of Law and International Affairs and Faculty Scholar, University of Iowa; Visiting Professor of Law, Harvard Law School (2005–06). This paper is a revised and expanded version of the keynote address to the Seventh International Conference of the International Society for Third Sector Research, Bangkok, Thailand, July 9, 2006.     

Changing partners: Northern NGOs,Northern governments

Northern NGOs live with an increasing level of insecurity and change. Governmental pressures to professionalise contribute to bureaucratisation, while inadequate overheads, an outdated project approach and lengthy approval procedures work against professionalism. Although they spend tens of millions of dollars annually through NGOs, few OECD governments have taken evaluation seriously. Northern NGO survival, theorefore, has been largely de-linked from performance. More fundamental is the growing identity crisis that Norther NGOs have in relation to their iincreasingly crisis that Northern NGOs have in relation to their increasingly effective Southern counterparts. Recession and faltering public support have pushed governments into reduced aid budgets and new concepts of accountability, participation and the role of ‘civil society’. Adding to the burden these shifts place on NGOs, many governments now deal directly with Southern NGOs. Many governments have also restricted their matching or ‘responsive’ NGO funding programmes, while providing massive funding increases — on highly favourable terms — for emergency and refugee work. Most OECD governments have also initiated special funds for AIDS, women, democracy and special geographical troublesports, channelling NGOs towards governmental priorities. Some basic principles are proposed for remedying the problems and for treating NGOs as important elements of civil society rather than as delivery mechanisms for governments. The author, who takes full responsibility for all errors, omissions and opinions, is very grateful to Elena Borghese, Tim Brodhead, Sharon Capeling-Alakija, Tim Draimin, Ian Filewod, Anna Foca, Henny Helmich and Terry Mooney for helpful comments on an early draft. An earlier version of the paper appeared in Smillie and Helmich (1993).     

PRODUCTION COSTS, TRANSACTION COSTS, AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT CONTRACTOR CHOICE

Local governments that choose to externally produce a service can contract with other governments, for-profit firms, or nonprofit organizations. This contractor choice is modeled as one in which the local government decision maker minimizes service delivery costs, both production and transaction costs, subject to political and fiscal constraints. The model is estimated using data on three frequently contracted health services obtained from a national survey of local government service delivery arrangements. The empirical analysis reveals the importance of both production and transaction costs, as well as the choice set of available suppliers, to contractor choice.     

Defiant Haiti: Free-Soil Runaways,Ship Seizures and the Politics of Diplomatic Non-Recognition in the Early Nineteenth Century

Uncomfortable with the potential influence of the Haitian Revolution on their slave populations and unwilling to deal on equal terms with non-white ambassadors or heads of state, the European colonial powers and the USA refused to formally recognize Haitian governments following the country's declaration of independence in 1804. For some British slave owners and US merchants, this policy of diplomatic non-recognition came at a cost. When slaves from surrounding British colonies escaped to Haiti, and when American merchants demanded restitution for ships and cargos seized by Haitian rulers, early Haitian regimes were free to rebuff and ignore the claims of unrecognized governments. Uneasy relations between British and US governments and the early Haitian Republic offer evidence of both the relative strength and autonomy of President Jean-Pierre Boyer's régime and the nature of the emancipationist policies that made Republican Haiti an attractive destination for hundreds of fugitive slaves from surrounding islands.     

LEGISLATIVE TURNOVER,FISCAL POLICY,AND ECONOMIC GROWTH: EVIDENCE FROM U.S. STATE LEGISLATURES

Increased turnover among legislators can make them short‐sighted, affecting fiscal policy and economic growth. We exploit the exogenous variation in legislative turnover induced by term limit laws and by redistricting in the 50 U.S. states, finding that increased turnover increases capital spending by state governments, which may be designed to constrain future governments. The changes may cause long‐run distortions in the economy, reducing long‐term economic growth. (JEL H72, H73, H76)     

Perception of Western governments’ hostility to Islam among European Muslims before and after ISIS: the important roles of residential segregation and education

Perception of Western governments’ hostility to Islam is one of the indicating features of Islamic fundamentalism and, in some cases, is serving as a pull to join extremist groups. In this paper, using data from two waves of a cross‐national survey, we investigate what affects European Muslims’ opinions about Western governments. We find that residential segregation is associated with perceived hostility of Western governments to Islam. Further, we find that Muslims living in segregated neighbourhoods and enclaves have a higher probability of believing that Western governments are hostile to Islam. National origins of Muslim immigrants have a significant impact, with people from African countries measuring less perceived hostility than others. We also find that education is associated with perceived hostility of Western governments to Islam in a non‐linear way. People with the highest and lowest levels of education tend to be less likely to believe that Western governments are hostile to Islam, relative to people with mid‐level education. This non‐linear effect is best explained by education’s differential effects on perceptions of key world events. During the time between 2011 – before ISIS’s announcement of its Caliphate in Iraq and Syria – and 2013, subsequent to that announcement, we see a sharp decrease in perception of Western governments’ hostility to Islam, particularly among more educated European Muslims. We make the case that this decrease can be attributed, in some ways, to the emergence of ISIS. We discuss our findings in terms of theoretical and policy implications.     

Middlemen,fair traders,and poverty

We propose a spatial model of producer market access where local middlemen reap market power due to match friction, and fair traders enter to present an alternative. The model features location as a key determinant of the impact of fair trader entry on the market share of fair traders, the distribution of consumer willingness to pay between middlemen and producers, and intra- / inter-regional poverty incidence. For governments who wish to minimize the poverty gap, our results support directing resources to subsidize fair trade organizations, and/or to producers with no access to markets, rather than to local middlemen intermediaries.     

Inequality,integration, and policy: issues and evidence from EMU

Simple theoretical arguments imply that while economic integration may or may not increase income inequality and volatility, it certainly makes it difficult for National governments to conduct independent fiscal policies and to enforce income redistribution schemes. Controlling for country-level income variation, available data suggest that Europe’s Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) was associated with a small but significant increase in disposable income inequality, and that this was in turn accounted for by less generous social policies.     

Soft Sovereignty,Rising Powers,and Subnational Foreign Policy-Making: The Case of India

Abstract

The rise of ‘new powers’ in international politics has been frequently associated with a re-emergence of traditional notions of sovereignty as a backlash against the weakening of nation-state sovereignty related to globalization. We argue that the coexistence of these trends has led to new forms of ‘soft sovereignty’. Soft sovereignty means that rising powers both gain and lose authority: From above, their freedom from interference within the international state system is strengthened due to their new status and influence. At the same time, rising powers’ governments are losing authority due to the rise of a multiplicity of sub and transnational actors from below. We apply the concept of soft sovereignty to the analysis of foreign policy-making in India as a least-likely case of a weakening of sovereignty from within a sovereignty-oriented rising power. The analysis of India's relations with Bangladesh and Sri Lanka reveals the huge impact that subnational governments have had on India's policies towards its South Asian neighbours over the past years. The dynamics observed in the case of India reflect many of the traits of current globalization processes, from regionalization to identity politics to the multiplication of actors in the conduct of foreign politics.     

Sociology,the public sphere,and modern government: a challenge to the dominance of Habermas

There is an unfortunate tendency within some branches of sociology – particularly those usually called ‘critical’, that is, those associated with ‘critical social theory’– to treat with disdain the understanding of the public sphere that many modern governments use daily in making and implementing public policy. The majority of sociologists in those branches seem to prefer, as part and parcel of their normative commitments, Jürgen Habermas's Kantian understanding of the public sphere, which focuses primarily on reason and morality and insists that these two forces are of a higher order than politics and law. This paper offers a set of criticisms of the Habermas–Kant understanding, arguing that its focus on reason and morality, were it to become more widespread, would steer sociology into public policy irrelevance. The paper goes on to describe a very different understanding of the public sphere, a politico‐legal or civil‐peace understanding which operates as the public policy focus of those governments that have relegated questions of salvation (whether religious or ideological) to the private sphere. This understanding emerged from early modern attempts to carve out a domain of relative freedom and security against the deadly violence of religious disputation sweeping across Europe. The paper readily acknowledges that some ‘non‐critical’ branches of sociology already employ a version of this understanding.     

Divorce Under the Divorce Act of Canada, 1968-1978

This paper compromises a survey of 10 years of judicial interpretation of the 1968 reforming legislation and seeks to explain the demands for further change in the law of divorce and the acceptance of those demands by the federal and provincial governments.     

Housing policy in Nigeria: Government policies for housing Nigeria's urban poor and the working class: Laudable promises,great expectations,colossal failure

On 11 June 1976, delegates from Nigeria and 131 other nations' governments unanimously endorsed 64 “Recommendations for National Action” at the United Nations Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat) in Vancouver, Canada. These covered six key aspects of the human settlement question: settlement policies and strategies; settlement planning; shelter, infrastructure and services; land; public participation; and, institutions and management. Although most of the Recommendations were radical, the Nigerian government endorsed all of them. Indeed, Nigeria's Report to the Conference contained many promises which emphasised the Nigerian governments' commitment to the activity of improving the housing circumstances of her poor majority. The central aim of this paper is to attempt to examine what these promises were worth and what, after 9 years and 7 months, Nigerian governments have done to implement the Recommendations on “Shelter, Infrastructure and Services”. Since one of the major Habitat recommendations under this section was on the need for national governments to provide appropriate housing and its related services which are within the economic reach of the majority of their people, this paper attempts to analyse in detail the ability of low-income households in Nigeria to pay for government-built dwelling units. The three main parameters of the housing economics equations which I have used to establish this are: the initial capital cost of the dwelling unit; total annual household income; and the annual economic rent. It also examines the gap between the quantitative housing need and the official response; and, the adequacy and reliability of water supply refuse disposal and sewerage facilities. The paper concludes that there is still a very serious mismatch between the people's real needs and priorities and public housing policies aimed at meeting them.     

Factors influencing the policy responses of host governments to mass refugee influxes

"The policy responses of asylum governments to mass influxes of refugees have varied considerably. Focusing on less developed countries, this article explores why some host governments respond in relatively generous ways, while other governments act more restrictively. The policy alternatives available to receiving governments are classified, and a set of factors influencing refugee policy formation is explored. These factors include: the costs and benefits of accepting international assistance, relations with the sending country, political calculations about the local community's absorption capacity, and national security considerations."     

Families for children: international strategies to build in-country capacity in the Philippines, Thailand, Romania, and India.

Holt International Children's Services was founded in the 1950s to facilitate the adoption of Amerasian children in the aftermath of the Korean War. Today, its vision has expanded to encompass international policies, programs, and practices that will help establish nurturing, lifelong relationships for children. Working together with child welfare professionals and advocates, non-governmental organizations, and governments, Holt has helped to develop in-country, self-sustaining family resources for thousands of children. Efforts in the Philippines, Thailand, India, and Romania are highlighted.     

Gateway cities for transnational higher education? Doha,Dubai and Ras al-Khaimah as regional amplifiers in networks of the ‘global knowledge-based economy’

This paper investigates how the developmental ambitions of governments to attract university offshore campuses to Doha, Dubai and Ras al-Khaimah and these universities’ internationalization strategies affect the three cities’ positionalities. It links interdisciplinary literature on globally uneven geographies of higher education to geographical debates on the intermediating role of cities in regional and global economies. The paper conceptualizes the three cities as a triadic ensemble of gateways for transnational higher education (TNE), thereby contributing to further theorization of gateway cities. The paper shows that the three cities fulfil two crucial gateway functions. First, they connect internationalizing universities with particular student segments from their regional hinterlands seeking access to TNE. Second, they thereby amplify and disperse hegemonic regimes of the globalising knowledge-based economy in their regional hinterlands. While all three cities share similar functions and rationales, they also have distinct positionalities rooted in different strategies of the respective governments.     

The potential for international and transnational public service advertising in public spaces in American and Chinese global cities: Conclusions from a 2010 survey of advertisements in subways in Beijing,New York,Shanghai and Washington,DC

Can we construct transnational or international public service advertising to counterbalance the proliferation of transnational commercial advertising? As an important first step in exploring the possibility of such an application of shared media public diplomacy among nations, this paper describes a complete survey of commercial and public service advertisements collected from the public spaces of subway systems in American and Chinese cities in 2010 – New York, Washington, DC, Shanghai and Beijing – to reveal the range of themes of commercial and public service ads in these spaces. The study reveals first that analogous commercial and public service ads are ubiquitous in the public spaces of both Chinese and American cities. Second, many of the themes that might appear in international or transnational public service ads are already being portrayed in ads created by local or national governments or NGOs, although these themes are portrayed in ads created by different sets of actors in China and in the US: government actors and a few international NGOs in Chinese cities, and governments, corporations and non-profit organizations in the case of American cities. Finally, the survey reveals that in all four cities there are many commercial advertisements that appeal to the identity of a transnational consumer, but that there are almost no public service ads that appeal to the identity of a transnational citizen: merely local or national ones who can solve such public problems as global warming, education, and health issues.     

Anthropological field survey on basic education development in the Tibetan nomadic community of Maqu,Gansu, China

This study takes a thorough look at basic education in some Tibetan nomadic communities. It is carried out by a senior Tibetan scholar who was born in eastern Tibet and has wide experience in working with governments, international organisations, academic institutions and private foundations. The paper provides a detailed examination of the main factors affecting the drop-out rate of students in Tibetan nomadic areas. (Ed.)     

Flexible benefits, choice, and work force diversity

This Issue Brief evaluates the prevalence of flexible benefits plans and their ability to achieve cost management goals and to meet the needs of diverse employee groups. In addition, it examines flexible benefits plans' current legislative and regulatory status and typical plan design features. Sec. 125 of the Internal Revenue Code allows employers to provide employees with a choice among benefits, including moving otherwise taxable cash compensation to the pre-tax purchase of benefits, without requiring them to include the value of the noncash benefits in their adjusted gross income unless they choose taxable options. Although the percentage of full-time employees in medium and large private establishments who are eligible for cafeteria plans has not increased appreciably, the percentage of employees eligible for freestanding flexible spending accounts (FSAs) nearly tripled between 1988 and 1991. Generally, the proportion of employers sponsoring cafeteria plans or FSAs increases with employer size. Recent surveys show that 27 percent of employers with 1,000 or more employees offered choice-making plans in 1991, 48 percent of firms offered health care FSAs, and 54 percent offered dependent care FSAs, either in conjunction with cafeteria plans or as a stand-alone option. Ten percent of full-time employees in private firms employing 100 or more workers were eligible to participate in cafeteria plans in 1991. Only 5 percent of full-time employees in state and local governments and 1 percent of similar employees in small private establishments were eligible for cafeteria plans in 1990. Recent Bureau of Labor Statistics' surveys show that, among full-time employees, 27 percent in private establishments with 100 or more employees, 28 percent in state and local governments, and 6 percent in small private establishments were eligible to participate in freestanding FSAs. In 1992, 21 percent of eligible employees contributed to a health care FSA, and only 3 percent of eligible employees contributed to a dependent care FSA. Contributions to health care FSAs averaged $651, and those to dependent care FSAs averaged $2,959. National health reform could have a significant impact on these plans if the tax treatment of health benefits is changed. Taxation of health benefits in excess of a standard benefits package would fundamentally reduce the ability to use FSAs.     

Running On Empty: Transport, Social Exclusion and Environmental Justice

This is a timely and well-conceived collection, published ata time when transport and its attendant constellation of concernsare a major preoccupation of governments and citizens acrossthe world. We are living in a time when mobility, for some atleast, has increased beyond what anyone could have imagineda generation or so ago. At the same time, we are facing potentiallycatastrophic and certainly very far-reaching consequences bothat the micro level of local environmental damage and at themacro level of climate change. This book attempts to synthesizea wide range of issues into a coherent and productive argument,structured