共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
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Jeffrey K. Wilson 《National Identities》2013,15(4):331-349
Germany has a long history of political fragmentation, with regional (Heimat) identities playing a critical role in the formation of the national consciousness. The process of rallying local identities to the nation is being examined in the western parts of Germany, but the east remains largely unexplored. Addressing this issue is important because studies of the Heimat movement have challenged received notions about the character of nationalism in imperial Germany. This article illustrates the special challenges Heimat activists—especially Hugo Conwentz—faced in fashioning a regional identity in the German east, and compares their efforts to those in the west. 相似文献
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Farid Shafiyev 《Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs》2019,39(2):177-198
This article investigates the underlying reasons and processes for the resettlement of Azerbaijanis from Armenia in 1948–1953—an undertaking sanctioned by Josef Stalin under the official mantle of strengthening the cotton-growing industry in the Kura-Araz lowland region of Azerbaijan. The decree, which the Soviet leader signed in 1947, also contained a clause on the necessity of vacating places in Armenia for foreign repatriates—a project launched by Moscow in pursuit of territorial claims on Turkey in 1946–1949. This resettlement project reignited the ethno-territorial dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan during Soviet rule; however, in its immediate aftermath, the Soviet authorities were able to keep the situation under control. 相似文献
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Hunter Shobe 《National Identities》2013,15(3):329-343
A growing body of work considers sport and the social construction of identities. Drawing from that research, this article considers how football clubs are involved in the construction of national identities by making explicit the connections between sport, identity and place. The first part of the article examines the literature addressing sport and collective identification/representation and considers critical approaches that uncover the power relations that frame the sport/identity nexus. The second part of the article applies these ideas to a discussion of Football Club Barcelona's role in the social construction of Catalan nationalism and national identity from 1899 to 1975. 相似文献
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Ben Wellings 《National Identities》2013,15(4):395-412
Conservative adherence to the sovereignty of the Crown-in-Parliament resulted in the merging of English with British consciousness. During the 1990s, England's political nationalism expressed itself as a defence of Britishness. This defence of Britishness prevented a political English nationalism cohering at a time when political nationalisms had matured in Scotland and Wales. This merging of England and Britain was particularly evident in conservative thinking, given the conservative adherence to the concept of Crown-in-Parliament sovereignty. 相似文献
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ABSTRACT This research addresses the appeal for more empirical-based research on exclusionary practices in local community sport that often go unchallenged within dominant discourses. By examining how organised community sport clubs can uphold systemic segregation of various ethnic, racial, linguistic, religious and socioeconomic groups, this study also draws attention to the importance of research on race, ethnicity, and education in primary school age children; a population group often ignored in both racism studies and studies of sport. Using interview and focus group data from school principals and students (aged 9–12), including students from refugee and asylum seeker migrant backgrounds, collected over 3 years from two schools in the same multicultural community in Melbourne, Australia, this paper challenges the depiction of sport as an uncontested inclusive space in national and educational discourse, and instead demonstrates the continued existence of exclusion through systemically mediated segregation in organised community youth sport. 相似文献
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Muhammad Khalifa Christopher Dunbar Ty-Ron Douglasb 《Race Ethnicity and Education》2013,16(4):489-513
Critical Race Theory (CRT) has become a centered conceptual framework to understand American education and reform (Ladson-Billings and Tate 1995; Solorzano and Yosso; 2001; Decuir and Dixon 2004). Indeed, educational leadership scholars have not been far behind in recognizing the explicative and powerful role of CRT studies in their work (Lopez 2003; Parker and Villalpando 2007). As we acknowledge the role of CRT, we cannot do so without reflecting on the life and works of the quintessential Critical Legal Studies (CLS) scholar Derrick Bell (1930–2011). In this article, we use Bell’s collective works to analyze current trends and research in educational leadership. We bring his works into conversation not only with conceptions of instructional and distributed leadership, but with the palpability that CRT has on the current state of educational reform. More specifically, we use Bell’s theories of interest convergence and conversations around ‘racial remedies’ to understand two recent trends in educational leadership: discourses of social justice leadership and the move toward data-driven leadership behaviors. We ask questions like: what has been the impact of research discourses social justice on the education of African American and Latino urban youth? And, how has the current social structures benefited from such discourses? We conclude with recommendations for educational leadership researchers and professors, and encourage them to consider race as an integral part of their works. 相似文献
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Terrence Musanga 《National Identities》2016,18(4):397-408
White displacement as a consequence of Zimbabwe's land reform programme resulted in white economic and social mobilities and the need to reconfigure identities and preserve white Zimbabwean farmers’ history and memory as reflected in Douglas Rogers’ The last resort: A memoir of Zimbabwe (2009). This dislocation provokes a fear of loss of memory and history in the white Zimbabwean community and therefore triggers a desire to preserve history and memory, which are central in identity formation. In addition, the preservation of history and memory acts as an important site for the contestation of the land reform programme, identity and belonging. 相似文献
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Edwin Hill 《Social Identities》2013,19(4):619-645
Je demeure cependant persuadé, malgré les dangers d'une possible confusion, qu'il faut 'oser la métaphoreé … C'est-à-dire entreprendre de poser une question qui est und des fondements de l'interprétation, de la critique, un des modes de la connaissance: comment un homme, une société, choisissent-ils de 'se représenter par la meétaphore', comment trouvent-ils des formes, des objets particuliers devant lesquels ils se disent dans un élan d'imagination ou de conformisme: 'je suis ça'? [Nonetheless, I remain persuaded, in spite of the dangers of a possible confusion, that one must 'dare to take up the metaphor' … That is, to undertake asking a question which is one of the foundations of interpretation, of criticism, one of the modes of knowledge: how a man, how a society, chooses to represent itself through metaphor, how it finds forms, particular objects, before which it tells itself, in a burst of imagination or conformity, 'that is me'?] (de Baecque, 1993, p. 15) Aimer, c'est pouvoir s'imaginer. [To love, is to be able to imagine oneself.] (Socé, 1964 [1937], p. 91) 相似文献
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Hamza Karčić 《Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs》2015,35(3):344-358
AbstractThe aim of this article is to trace neoconservative thought in the US and policy activism on the role of the US in Bosnia during the 1992–1995 genocide. This paper argues that, on the issue of intervention in Bosnia, neoconservatives in the US comprised two camps. Neoconservative former government officials were early and consistent advocates of an assertive US intervention in Bosnia. However, the neoconservative academics were a heterogeneous group divided over the question of US intervention. Yet, both the former government officials and several academics came together in supporting President Bill Clinton's decision to deploy US troops to enforce the Dayton Peace Accords. While sharply criticized in the Muslim world for their Middle East policies, neoconservative advocacy for Bosnia and Bosnian Muslims during 1992–1995 has been largely overlooked. Analysing neoconservatives’ activism on Bosnia provides for a more nuanced understanding of the US neoconservative foreign policy legacy. 相似文献
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James D. Frankel 《Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs》2016,36(4):569-583
Following overland and maritime trade routes, early Muslims reached China within a century after the Prophet Muhammad (570–632) lived, when the Chinese and Islamic empires were the superpowers of their day, engaging each other in instances of both competition and collaboration: military, economic and diplomatic. Exchanges between China and the Islamic world have produced significant technological and cultural developments, and set the stage for ongoing relations between the two civilizations that helped shape world history and continue to influence global affairs today. The arrival of Islam more than 1200 years ago also resulted in a sizeable Muslim minority population in China, who play an important role between the two civilizations: sometimes as cultural intermediaries, sometimes as political pawns. The following is an overview of the history of Chinese–Islamic relations, including historical and contemporary involvement by China’s internal Muslim populations, with a survey of connections between China and several Muslim countries. 相似文献
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Temesgen Gebeyehu Baye 《Social Identities》2018,24(6):745-763
In Ethiopia, the study and issue of center–periphery relations is not an easy task. It has remained complex and dynamics as it has been dictated and shaped by ever changing socio-economic relations, state ideology and structure. A case in point is Metekel region, which had been characterized by under development, lowland, hot climate and traditional way of life. Until post-1991developments, Metekel was peripheral in relation to the central state. It was an area of confrontation and conflict. Owing to the structural weakness of the centre, successive rulers of the area did not command effective control over it. Focusing on Gumuz, a Nilo-Saharan family, on one hand, and highlanders and new settlers, on the other, this essay examined the main features and dynamics of center–periphery relations, governance and conflicts in Metekel area. The sources, both primary and secondary, have been carefully examined based on the objectives of the study. 相似文献
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Andreas Marklund 《National Identities》2017,19(3):333-357
Monarchy and nationalism are embedded in a complex relationship, and many of Europe’s ruling dynasties crumbled in the nationalist upsurge of the modern era. Yet, the Danish royal house managed to get through the upheavals and gradually turned into a national rallying point. The article explores this historical development, focusing on the interplay between monarchy and media from 1933 to 1945, when the process of mediatization prompted a merging of royalist and egalitarian narratives of the nation. 相似文献
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Laura-Lee Kearns 《Race Ethnicity and Education》2016,19(1):121-140
High-stakes standardized literacy testing is not neutral and continues to build upon the legacy of dominant power relations in the state in its ability to sort, select and rank students and ultimately produce and name some youth as illiterate in contrast to an ideal white, male, literate citizen. I trace the effects of high-stakes standardized testing by using the voices of 16 youth who failed the Ontario Secondary School Literacy Test (OSSLT) to illustrate how the ‘illiterate youth’ revealed to students, schools, and communities by this test is culturally and socially constructed. In an age where multiple literacies are more and more valued, standardized literacy testing acts as a form of social control projected upon the ‘adolescent’ body that has historically been deemed ‘other’ or ‘deficient.’ Just as colonized subjects needed to be ‘civilized,’ so youth now need to acquire a state defined literacy in a competitive and fast paced learning environment. This article helps to demonstrate how power operates on marginalized youth through standardized literacy testing that is being used transnationally. 相似文献
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Panos Kompatsiaris 《Social Identities》2017,23(3):360-375
This article explores representations of race in three Greek popular films of the 1970s and 1980s. The portrayal of African characters in these films is antagonistically positioned in relation to the dominant, ‘whitewashed’ Greek national narrative which relies on the nineteenth century idea that Greece is the progenitor of European civilization. Often masquerading itself as ‘just a joke’, the discourse of these films narrates the African Other as lacking in terms of culture, intelligence and beauty – the three central categories upon which the idea of the ‘white supremacy’, according to Cornell West, is historically constructed in modernity. Tightly woven with this idea (largely introduced in Greece by the leading European powers), these films enunciate explicitly colonial viewpoints in a country that was neither a colonial power nor at the geopolitical center of the European project. The article argues that the racialized representations of these films are an effect of appropriating the Eurocentric idea of historicism, where the ‘progress’ and ‘backwardness’ of groups and nations are measured according to how effectively they perform the values of modernity. 相似文献