政治多元化与港澳台族群的和平跨居--全球化背景下的华南经济圈研究之三

文化的多样性是一种历史性的力量,族群的政治认同因此具有层次性。香港、澳门回归前后,当地族群的国家认同出现了新的变化。这种变化主要表现在他们国籍选择上,国籍选定成为港澳居民国家认同和政治认同的重要标志。尽管国家认同、政治认同和族属认同的边界有所相同,但在国家整体利益高于族群个人利益的情况下,三者的关系又比较紧密。在香港、澳门《基本法》及“一国两制”、“高度自治”和“港人治港”、“澳人治澳”的原则下,香港人和澳门人的“国家认同”和“政治认同”趋于合一。海峡两岸目前虽然尚未统一,但大陆和台湾同属一个“中国”。在国家的整体利益高于局部利益的前提下,两岸的政治对话应该有利于祖国统一的“国家认同”。在“一国两制”和“高度自治”的框架内,台湾族群可以与港澳地区在相似的社会制度下“和平跨居”,也可以与大陆人民在不同的社会制度下“和平跨居”。港澳台三地之间的族群“和平跨居”,“跨越”的是“国家认同”(中国)下的不同行政地域边界;港澳台与大陆之间的“和平跨居”,“跨越”的是不同的行政地域边界和社会制度边界;而港澳台地区国内族群与国外族群的“和平跨居”,“跨越”的则是不同的国家疆界。港澳台地区的族群的“和平跨居”,将在全球经济交往和族群关系互动中得以实现。     

An introduction: the predicament of Brazilian culture

‘Truth’ and ideology (as error or falsity), like any other oppositional terms, take up the same productive powers and necessarily track each other very closely. Not much is necessary for any statement to move from the former into the latter field. My review of the main twentieth‐century lines of Brazilian racial studies, in this introduction, traces how they have moved miscegenation and racial democracy back and forth across the border between social scientific ‘truth’ and racial ideology. Because the papers included in this issue, rather than repeating this move, address how these socio‐historical signifiers inform the contemporary Brazilian social configuration, they move beyond the predicament shared by both narratives of the nation and social scientific accounts of racial subjection in Brazil.     

Sectarian dynamics of multicultural norms and the law in Lebanon: warning for the future of Northern Ireland

The aim of this article is to show how the institutionalised multicultural political arrangements in Lebanon may have provided for a certain period a degree of local harmony and related toleration when national demographics were relatively stable (or demographic growth was somehow similar within groups or harmony was somehow imposed) but it has not been a force for the same once demographic change has (dramatically) occurred, since it automatically undermined the basis on which any agreement was founded. In addition, whatever harmony it does produce at the national level is not reciprocated at the local level. Indeed multiculturalism may well be a defining feature in the implosion of the Lebanon as a nation state. The reason for this is that any polity to be stable must be inclusive enough at the level of imagined community to encompass change without it being felt as loss by significant groups within the nation state. The institutionalised segregation that the multicultural settlement created in Lebanon does not provide for this inclusiveness since it is predicated on coalitions of exclusive groups (17 religious groups have a political representation in the Parliament) that (often) do not mix or share an imagined community (and, if they do, it is for short-term goals, such as recent coalitions predicated on inter-religious lines, i.e. the anti-Syrian 14 March Alliance) and hence any change is seen not as an inclusive experience to the whole but as exclusive and therefore (in the medium term) as a threat. This creates (long term) inbuilt instability and a permanently failing state. Building on a critique to multiculturalism and consociational theory (at least with reference to power-sharing) we further hypothesise that this situation may well be replicated in Northern Ireland since though in a less fragmented, however more radical separation, it appears to be following a similar trajectory.     

邓小平对民族发展思想的贡献

邓小平坚持用马克思主义民族观观察世界,在总结世界民族发展历史经验教训的基础上,对当今时代特征和总体国际形势进行正确分析和判断,提出了"发展才是硬道理"的思想,并就一个民族、一个国家如何发展提出了一系列的重要观点。"发展才是硬道理"———既是邓小平理论的重要组成部分,也是邓小平民族理论的核心。对此,本文分别就邓小平关于发展是硬道理,没有现代化的民族在世界上就没有地位;每个民族的发展都必须根据本民族的特点走自己的路;任何一个民族都要学习别的民族的长处;让一部分地区和一部人先富起来并带动各族人民共同富裕的民族发展思想进行了论述。     

世界体系和民族关系:解读现代民族问题的一个视角

民族之间的交往行为在其所处的历史体系中发生 ,并从这个体系获得本质内涵。以民族国家为单位的现代世界体系对现代民族关系产生了决定性影响。由国家的政治结构和法律制度所决定的各民族在国家中的政治地位、经济利益和文化权利 ,是现代民族关系的本质。建立在排斥性认同基础上的民族国家观念制度及政策实践与现代国家多民族社会构成之间的矛盾 ,是现代国家内部各种民族矛盾和民族冲突的理论和实践渊薮。改善多民族国家内部的民族关系 ,必须从改造民族国家观念制度、重建政治共同体认同标准入手 ,其本身就是改造现代世界体系的重要内容     

百年来党的中华民族共同体意识历史逻辑与铸牢路径研究

铸牢中华民族共同体意识是党的十九大写进党章的重大决策,是党和国家与时俱进的政策创新,并有其深刻的历史与现实的众多根据。而在这众多根据的背后是中华民族共同体的根本利益。在中国共产党为中华民族的伟大复兴而团结奋斗的百年以来的各个阶段,始终伴随着中华民族共同体的政策利益与政策认识的互动的逻辑:横向表现为中华民族共同体政策利益的物理空间与政策认识的思维空间的辩证统一,纵向表现为政策利益与政策认识为一致的自生、共生至同生的交叉并存的历史特征与趋势。这种历史特征与趋势在新民主主义革命、社会主义改造和探索、反右扩大化和文革、社会主义建设等时期得以逐步完善,并发展成为习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的民族政策新战略。为实现民族政策新战略,应从人民本位上把握中华民族共同体的根本利益,从政治团结上构建中华民族共同体的利益联结,从经济合作上健全中华民族共同体的利益互动,从文化交融上促进中华民族共同体的利益实现。     

新时代“五位一体”铸牢中华民族共同体意识探究

中华民族共同体是中华民族在几千年历史长河中不断形成和发展起来的命运共同体,与之相伴而成的中华民族共同体意识是维护祖国统一,维护民族团结,实现中华民族这一大家庭繁荣昌盛的思想基础。“五位一体”总体布局着眼于“两个一百年”奋斗目标的全过程,全面推进经济建设、政治建设、文化建设、社会建设、生态文明建设,实现以人为本,全面协调可持续的科学发展。新时代民族工作必须以铸牢中华民族共同体意识为主线,在铸牢中华民族共同体意识方面,我们要立足当代、立足国内国际新形势、利用优势、补齐短板、全方位的“五位一体”铸牢中华民族共同体意识,不断巩固民族大团结和各民族全面发展的胜利果实,保证中华民族永续繁荣发展。     

指示性与民族记忆：中华民族共同体视域中的符号建构

指示性作为符号认知的基本框架,能使符号与记忆、记忆与认同产生联结关系,因此,指示性不仅是民族记忆的基础,更是形成民族认同的作用机制。基于现实因素,民族记忆在不同的时期可能会发生流变,成为区别于历史文本或其他族群文化的全新记忆,因而具备积极建构的可能性。在指示性理论的框架下审视"龙"作为中华民族之共同记忆的符号再现,可发现,它不仅是各族群共有的与世界之关系的缘起锚定,也是跨民族的时间节气指命名与仪式的重要符号,可由此反思中华民族共同体视域中的符号建构应当如何达成。     

Constructions of identity,belonging and exclusion in the democratic welfare state

This article investigates the conflict between a shared national identity and immigration, posed by liberal, instrumental nationalists. They worry that immigration will undermine a shared national identity that is needed to generate trust and solidarity within the democratic welfare state. The article consists of a qualitative study of Swedish and British respondents. The main conclusion is that people experience and interpret their shared identity, ideas of belonging and exclusion in the democratic welfare state differently, with different consequences for the proposed conflict. When identity and belonging was tied to contributions or to institutions, rather than a nation, the conflict between a shared identity and immigration was cushioned.     

铸牢城市少数民族中华民族共同体意识的价值、困境及路径

大量少数民族由农村迁移至城市,既为城市的发展注入了活力,也为民族工作和城市治理带来了挑战。铸牢城市少数民族中华民族共同体意识是做好民族工作的关键,能够帮助少数民族更好地适应并融入城市生活,并有助于在城市地区进一步做好民族团结进步示范创建工作,有效破解城市治理的难题。应从完善保障城市少数民族合法权益的机制和体制,努力提高城市少数民族贫困群众的生活质量与水平,关注并及时满足城市少数民族的精神需求,充分调动和发挥城市常住少数民族群众的积极性和带头作用四个方面去铸牢城市少数民族中华民族共同体意识。     

中国早期共产党人对马克思主义民族理论的传播与运用

五四运动前后,李大钊、瞿秋白等早期中国共产党人在当时的社会历史条件下,对马克思主义民族理论的一些重要观点,如民族问题产生的阶级根源及其解决途径、民族自决、民族平等等进行了积极的宣传和传播;运用马克思主义民族理论考察、分析中国的民族和民族问题,对如何解决中国的民族问题进行了早期探索。     

中华民族共同体意识培育要凸显社会主义属性

社会主义制度是中华民族共同体意识培育的政治基础和底气。从中华民族共同体意识形成与确立的内在逻辑和演进机制入手方能辨析其本质特征,中华民族整体意识最终确立于抗日战争时期,这一共识形成和确立的基础是广泛的爱国主义。因此,"中华民族"及其议题本身不具有制度规定性,具有价值中立性特征,与主流意识形态相契合方能形成巨大的现实力量。在近代中国对社会主义道路的选择、在建设与改革时期对社会主义制度的坚守持续滋养中华民族整体意识,社会主义制度使中华民族共同体意识获得内在的规定性。在中华民族共同体意识的培育中要凸显社会主义属性,切实把握方向和大局,以确保中华民族共同体意识正确的政治方向。     

提克·金加营地毛利人欢迎仪式的真实性研究——兼论旅游产品开发中的资源归属权纷争

新西兰政府所属的旺阿努伊国家公园是国际知名的徒步者天堂。1990年,毛利人塔玛哈基部落重归国家公园提克·金加河流中段,并修建部分营地。他们按照毛利人传统仪式接待来访旅游者和政府官员,通过仪式表演,毛利人努力重新确立提克营地的归属权。占据事件中的多元主体对于事件及毛利人表演仪式的真实性有着不同的视角与看法。通过探讨欢迎仪式的文化意义,作者认为媒介的信息传递作用以及表演者与游客的真实互动,使得提克·金加欢迎仪式的文化体验性真实存在。     

移民地位和权利:对现代民族国家及其政治制度的严峻挑战

第二次世界大战后的世界移民运动 ,改变了原有民族国家内的民族构成 ,对现代民族国家及其政治制度提出了严峻挑战。本文从剖析现代民族国家构建过程中的种族排斥性、建立在排斥性民族国家基础之上的代议制民主制度的非自足性、民族国家的合法性危机等角度 ,提出了全球化进程中发挥国家的冲突调节机制和矛盾转化功能 ,改造滞后的政治结构 ,建构正确处理多民族国家内主体民族与少数民族的关系的多元主义族际政治理论的迫切性     

Physicians,Humour and Therapeutic Laughter in the Ancient World

This paper examines the ways 'mixed race' women in Canada contemplate their relationship to national identity. Through qualitative, open-ended interviews, the research demonstrates how some women of 'mixed race' contest ideas of the nation as constituted through the policy of multiculturalism in Canada. To challenge the tropes of the national narrative, some women of 'mixed race' develop nuanced models of cultural citizenship, illustrating that national identities are formed and transformed in relation to representation. Refusing to be positioned outside the nation, they effectively produce their own meanings of identity by working through their own personally identified 'mixed race' bodies to the national body politic, where some of them see their own bodies as intrinsically 'multicultural'. The paper ends by addressing the paradoxes of multiculturalism, emphasising through narratives that the policy produces hierarchical spaces against which some 'mixed race' women imaginatively negotiate, contest and challenge perceptions of their racialised and gendered selves.     

从族群认同走向民族认同——20世纪中后期广西的民族识别研究之三

本文认为,族群是偏重于文化特征的概念,民族是偏重于政治的概念。广西历史上就已经形成了12个各自具有共同历史来源、文化上各具特点并内部认同的族群,经过民族识别,这些族群被确定为民族,使他们从族群认同走向民族认同。但是,这种民族认同是建立在族群认同的基础之上的。     

关于中华民族构成的思考

"中华民族是由56个兄弟民族组成"的说法是否涉嫌把未识别民族排斥在中华民族大家庭之外,台湾世居少数民族的成分问题也是一个值得重新认识的问题,土生葡人是不是一个单一的民族已经成为必须正视的问题.因此有必要对"中华民族是由56个兄弟民族组成的"的提法进行重新认识.这是关系到国家统一和民族团结的大问题.     

从张爱玲的作品看其人生态度

对于凡俗人生和乐趣的沉迷与了悟构成张爱玲生命切实的底子 ,她执着于个体生命的真实 ,保持着一份走向世俗的现世精神 ,这使她成为一个极具个性又充满气质魅力的作家     

Naturing the Nation: Aliens,Apocalypse, and the Postcolonial State

The purpose of this study is to understand how the British Canadian Frank Schofield transformed himself into an established missionary scholar and nobleman in Korea. The study employs its framework from the structure of cultural exchange itself in its survey of Schofield's career. It examines the relevant aspects of Korean and Western cultures, and the characteristics of Schofield who linked them. The case, including themes significant both to Korean and Western cultures, such as the importance of spirituality, an emphasis on education, and the ideals of justice and love, explains reasons for his success as a cultural mediator between Korea and the West. It reveals that the flow of information and ideas between Koreans and Schofield illustrates the ability of intercultural contact to influence the initiating as well as receiving culture. It suggests that such a distinction between sender and receiver may carry little ultimate significance. Finally, it argues that individuals of different cultures can convey information and ideas effectively only if the conveyer learns about the target individuals for the information and ideas, and communicates on the basis of that knowledge, as intercultural communications occur between the individuals of different cultures.     

Ultranationalist discourses of exclusion: a comparison between the Hungarian Jobbik and the Greek Golden Dawn

In this paper I present the extensive discourse analysis of texts produced by the electorally exceptionally successful Greek and Hungarian ultranationalist parties. I first demonstrate that although both have adopted the topics, arguments and rhetorical figures of racist discourse, they differ in the relative importance they attach to culture and biology. That is, while GD imposes rigid, impermeable boundaries to a nation bound together by the ties of common ancestry, excluding ‘others’ on grounds of purported racial inferiority, Jobbik focuses more on culture as the dominant marker that separates off ‘us’ from ‘them’. I then try to explain the emergent patterns by relating them to context-specific categorisation strategies as well as the historically constituted conceptions of ‘Greekness’ and ‘Hungarianness’. I show that the construction of ‘otherness’ is markedly different in the two societies in terms of the chosen ‘enemies’, the preferred identity-markers as well as the processes of boundary drawing. The findings demonstrate that we need to think in a more differentiated way about the possible configurations of the culture/biology and difference/superiority nexus as shaped by the historically constituted and deeply rooted perceptions of difference in each context.