共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Sandra Feride Demiri 《National Identities》2013,15(5):443-462
ABSTRACTThis article supplements the limited research on the monarchy by highlighting the symbolic and cultural value of Norway’s Royal House in nation-building. To maintain his unifying and non-partisan role, the king must balance between conflicting perspectives on national identity. Our analysis of royal New Year’s speeches 1960–2014 examines the concepts of ‘Norwegianness’ conveyed, noting the increasing focus on diversity and a multicultural society. 相似文献
2.
John Rex 《Social Identities》2013,19(1):21-34
Abstract The question of ethnic and national identity is one which is addressed in two separate theoretical discourses. One is that of contemporary general sociological theory where it seems to be central to debates about Late Modernism, Post‐Modernism and Globalization. The other is in a much more empirically orientated branch of political sociology which is concerned with forms of solidarity and division in the nation state. This paper will be primarily located within the second type of discourse, but its aim is to suggest that its formulation of concepts is highly relevant to the clarification of issues in general sociological theory. 相似文献
3.
ABSTRACTThis article examines Protestant Euroscepticism in its purest form by focusing on the apocalyptic narratives of conservative Protestant dispensationalists in the UK, Scandinavia and the Netherlands. It estimates the numbers of end-times Eurosceptics, summarizes their apocalyptic narrative, traces its lineage to the Reformation, and explores its use in debates on European integration. The article argues that analyzing Protestant apocalyptic narratives contributes to understanding some important roots of present-day Euroscepticism in sixteenth-century anti-Catholicism and Protestant distrust of the ‘Catholic’ continent. 相似文献
4.
Fernando Molina 《National Identities》2013,15(1):17-33
The debate on the Basque Statute during the Spanish Republic (1931–39) became an exceptional political myth in contemporary Basque politics. According to current political narratives of Basque identity, the traditional will to self-government of the Basque people was expressed during those years in a broad demand for autonomy and collective identity. This article outlines the social complexity of the autonomy project, more related to religion than to ethnic conflict. This approach suggests that present concerns with Basque identity narratives undermine the historical parameters operative in the past, disabling our understanding of the history of the Basques. 相似文献
5.
Lina Klymenko 《National Identities》2015,17(4):387-403
In post-Soviet Ukraine, the remembrance of World War II has been one of the key factors in the state-led construction of national identity. This analysis of commemorative speeches on the occasion of Victory Day in Ukraine demonstrates how the presidents of Ukraine attempt to present the war as a national Ukrainian experience, and to produce a feeling of national belonging among Ukrainians who may have had various experiences of the war. By referring to World War II, the speeches portray the war as a common experience of Ukraine and Western European countries, whereas by referring to the Great Patriotic War they depict the war as a common heritage of Ukraine and post-Soviet countries. Such interpretation of the war is visible in the presidential speeches through the use of linguistic means, discursive strategies, and interdiscursivity. 相似文献
6.
Robin A. Harper 《Social Identities》2013,19(2):149-168
Many states question how to manage burgeoning migration. This is particularly problematic for ethnic states whose foundation myths imagine the state as the home for the nation. In this paper, we argue that ethnic states engage a type of defense mechanism, ‘reaction formation’, as part of migration policy to distract attention from threats to the claimed ethnic homogeneity that undergirds the reason for the state's existence. Using Israel as a case of a planned ethnic state, we show how a state develops a spectrum of membership models to incorporate ‘others’ into the nation-state. We suggest that Israel could conceivably devise some arrangement to incorporate the several hundred thousand labor migrants currently resident there. We argue that the state is reluctant to recognize these migrants as ‘Israeli’ because to do so would reveal a hidden truth: Israel may be becoming more Israeli than Jewish and, thus, the recognition of labor migrants and their children provokes questions about Israel's very reason for existence, that is, being a Jewish state. 相似文献
7.
Janis Grobbelaar 《Social Identities》2013,19(3):385-398
8.
Reyneri E 《Journal of ethnic and migration studies》1998,24(2):313-331
"As three mass legalisations have revealed, migrants in Italy were predominantly staying on without a permit and without being entitled to pursue regular work. It was further uncovered that many legal migrants carried out unregistered work in agriculture, building, housekeeping, street trading, small manufacturing firms and within urban services.... Migratory chains transmit an image of Italy being a country where it is easy to stay and to earn an income, even in the absence of a permit to stay and the presence of a significant underground economy means that Italy exerts a particular pull effect on those migrants more prone to accepting irregular conditions." 相似文献
9.
10.
Kelsey P. Norman 《Journal of ethnic and migration studies》2019,45(1):42-60
What determines policies toward migrants and refugees in the transit-turned-host countries? Compared to the vast literature examining migration to Europe and North America, we know relatively little about why ‘newer’ host states pursue a liberal strategy with access to residency, employment and services on par with citizens, or what drives them to treat migrants and refugees with exclusion. This paper argues that there is a third choice: the idea of indifference-as-policy. Indifference refers to indirect action on the part of the host state, whereby a state defers to international organisations and civil society actors to provide basic services to migrants and refugees. The paper uses data collected over two years in Egypt, Morocco and Turkey to examine how this tripartite understanding of engagement maps onto empirical reality. Drawing on this analysis, the argument in this paper is two-fold. First, indifference is a strategic form of engagement utilised by host states, and that it creates a specific type of environment that allows for the de facto integration of migrants and refugees. Second, even when host states take steps toward a more liberal engagement strategy, examining policy outcomes, rather than outputs, demonstrates that indifference is still the dominant policy. 相似文献
11.
12.
John Harris 《National Identities》2013,15(2):177-188
In an analysis informed by social identities research, this article critically assesses the importance of place and nation in professional boxing. Based on media accounts surrounding the fight between Joe Calzaghe and Bernard Hopkins, it examines how the nation is positioned and how national identities are imagined. Calzaghe serves as a floating signifier of Wales, Britain and Europe in discourse positioning him as an outsider in the American boxing landscape. In examining the ‘othering’ of Calzaghe the article highlights how simplistic binaries are used to perpetuate notions of difference. 相似文献
13.
If nation branding is about constructing and promoting national identity, what kind of ‘identity’ could it possibly be? This article analyses how the branded nation qualitatively differs from earlier forms of imagined communities by focusing on the tension between inward- and outward-directed dimensions of nation branding. A particular focus is placed on the concept of ‘identity’, which, it is argued, is insufficiently problematized in previous research. The discussion takes its departure in a case study of Ukraine, where all nation branding attempts came to an abrupt halt when political unrest broke out in late 2013. The political unrest led to a rapid shift in forms of concern over Ukraine, since nation branding can only be conducted in times of relative social harmony. The case further illustrates the argument that collective identity is not a main issue when branding a nation, and it is argued that a perspective of cosmopolitanism can bring new insights to the phenomenon. 相似文献
14.
Wolfram Kaiser 《National Identities》2017,19(2):215-230
ABSTRACTEuropean Union (EU) institutions have cultivated narratives of European integration for a long time. For its 2013–2014 ‘A New Narrative for Europe’ project, however, the European Commission for the first time explicitly used the ‘narrative’ label. Drawing on non-participant observation, semi-structured interviews and qualitative discourse analysis, this article contrasts the drafting process and the resulting declaration’s narrative structure and content with its discussion by citizens in a web-based consultation. The analysis shows that participating citizens forcefully demanded a bottom-up debate and advocated pluralistic perspectives. In these circumstances, elite-driven attempts at strengthening European identity and EU legitimacy are likely to be ineffective. 相似文献
15.
Maarja Saar 《Social Identities》2018,24(1):120-133
Whereas migration research has been heavily influenced by the individualization paradigm, studies on return migration have been more inspired by theories on attachment and belonging. It is common for this kind of research to assert that the main motivations for returning are social contacts and a homing desire. Although this article does not question the importance of such motivations for some, it does argue that return migration needs to be more problematized, not least by studying people who have decided not to return. Based on interviews with highly skilled Estonians, this article suggests that return decisions are influenced by three types of comparisons: social, temporal, and intra-subjective. The first two comparisons have been discussed to some degree in migration literature; however, a focus on intra-subjective comparisons – in which people compare different parts of their identity in order to decide on a potential return – has been scarce. This article suggests that, in line with the individualization of social relationships, but also with the introduction of a new EU mobility space, it is the latter type of comparison that is becoming increasingly widespread. 相似文献
16.
Justyna Bell 《Social Identities》2016,22(1):80-94
ABSTRACTThis paper discusses transnationalism and integration as processes entangled in the everyday lives of Polish migrants. It acknowledges that the co-existence of transnationalism and integration can present an array of choices and enable migrants to lead a fulfilling life in the receiving country while they continue to maintain a foothold in their original homeland. Yet, it might also create a feeling of disjuncture, discontinuity of relations, and ceaseless negotiation between inclusion and exclusion. It is, thus, important to bear in mind that migration is a process involving individuals with all their unique life experiences, complexities and consequences of their choices, sacrifices, ambiguities and hopes associated with the move. All of these have a profound impact on changes in migrants’ perception of, and attitude to, their place of origin, the specificities of destination setting and interpersonal relations between the two milieux. The empirical grounds for this discussion originate in biographical narrative interviews with Polish migrants in Belfast, Northern Ireland. These narratives portray transnationalism and integration as multiple trajectories, emphasising the co-existence of non-linear relations between the time and the intensity/frequency of migrants’ connections to the two settings. These will be examined using the theoretical framework of interpretative sociology, viewing individuals as constantly engaged in the task of interpretation, which is intrinsically rooted in the processes of interaction. 相似文献
17.
Suspect community or suspect category? The impact of counter-terrorism as ‘policed multiculturalism’
Francesco Ragazzi 《Journal of ethnic and migration studies》2016,42(5):724-741
How to think about the impact of counter-terrorism and counter-radicalisation on ethnic and religious accommodation? Much of the literature draws on the concept of ‘suspect community’, suggesting it has primarily alienated the Muslim community, favouring an assimilationist model of ‘muscular liberalism’. In this article, while I consider the merits of the ‘suspect community’ hypothesis, I argue that it only partially accounts for the effects of counter-terrorism and counter-radicalisation on multicultural societies. I contend that much of the literature has focused too narrowly on the discriminatory effects of counter-terrorist policies and has been unable to grasp the more insidious political effects of counter-terrorism policies based on the active participation and involvement of Muslims in their own policing. The main hypothesis of this paper is that rather than promoting ‘assimilation’, as the government would expect, or alienation, as the advocates of the ‘suspect community’ hypothesis would contend, counter-terrorist policies produce and reinforce a government of society in discrete and divided ethno-religious groups. Such ‘policed multiculturalism’—understood as the recognition and the management of diversity through a security perspective—has an important consequence in that it removes fundamental questions about pluralism from political debate, casting them instead in a depoliticised language of security. 相似文献
18.
The Impact of Change within the “Cultural Context” of the Contemporary Art of Qiang Paper Cutting-Based upon an Investigation of the Art of Paper -Cutting in Mao County 下载免费PDF全文
YUAN Shuli 《民族学刊》2014,(6)
The original meaning of “cultural context” refers to the socio -cultural background relating to language communication .The cultural context of the Qiang art of paper -cutting in Mao county discussed i... 相似文献
19.