少数民族文化与中华民族共有精神家园建设

"民族共有性"是中华民族共有精神家园的重要特征.这一特征要求我们在中华民族共有精神家园的建设中注重对少数民族文化的吸收,尊重少数民族文化的应有地位.基于这种认识,本文对少数民族文化在中华民族共有精神家园建设中的意义进行了论述,并对其发挥作用的途径进行了探讨.     

中华民族共有精神家园的形成及对构建和谐社会的重要意义——从保护与弘扬少数民族传统文化谈起

本文探讨了构建中华民族共有精神家园与保护及弘扬少数民族传统文化之间的关系.旨在说明,包括各少数民族传统文化在内的中华文化,是中华民族共有精神家园得以形成并且不断发展的载体.因此,构建中华民族共有精神家园的过程,也是保护并弘扬包括少数民族文化在内的中华文化的过程.     

卷首语

<民族理论政策研究>是本刊的重点与特色栏目.本期刊发郝亚明博士<中华民族认同一中华民族共有精神家园的建设目标>认为:中华民族共有精神家园可定位为"民族认同文化",其建设目标在于弘扬和强化中华民族认同意识.在中华民族共有精神家园的建设过程中,要把培养和强化中华民族认同意识作为导向和目标,确认和保障少数民族文化的应有地位,消除影响中华民族认同意识的地方主义思维和民族主义思潮,加强对中国"多元一体"多民族国家形成的历史与现实的宣传教育.     

中华民族认同:中华民族共有精神家园的建设目标

从社会主义文化体系的内在构成来看,中华民族共有精神家园可以定位为"民族认同文化",其建设目标在于弘扬和强化中华民族认同意识.在中华民族共有精神家园的建设过程中,要把培养和强化中华民族认同意识作为导向和目标,要注意确认和保护少数民族文化的应有地位,要注意消除影响中华民族认同意识的地方主义思维和民族主义思潮,要加强对中国"多元一体"多民族国家形成的历史与现实的宣传教育.     

文化共享视阈下的汉藏民族文化融合——以阿来文学书写为例

文化共享理念是在中华民族共有精神家园建设背景下建立起来的一种文化表达方式。中华民族共有精神家园是中华儿女在长期共同生活、共同奋斗和共同发展过程中形成的共同价值取向、道德规范、精神气质、情感态度等。“共有”来自于认同,“共享”是认同发展的结果。中华民族共有精神家园建立在共有文化根脉基础上,经历了从自在到自觉的发展历程。作家是文化的书写者和传播者,阿来是来自四川阿坝、用国家通用语言文字书写民族文化的作家。阿来文学书写是民族文共享和融合的展现,也是阿来自身“文化身份”的寻根之旅。阿来文学书写具有文化融合孕育下的独特性与典型性。本文从文化共享与汉藏文化融合、阿来文化身份建构、阿来文学书写中所体现的文化融合及其书写的独特性价值四个方面展开,深入分析阿来在文学书写中的文化构成与文化共享。     

中华文化与中华民族共有精神家园的建设

本文在阐释"中华文化"的性质、特点及发展规律的基础上,论证构建、弘扬现代中华文化与中华民族共有精神家园建设的关系.最后,重点对中华民族共有精神家园的特征及建设途径作了探索.作者认为,中华民族共有精神家园的特征是它的民族性、多元一体性、包容性和创新性(时代性).其建设的具体途径是在弘扬中华文化的过程中,高度重视和坚持保护中华民族多元的各民族传统文化;在合理地、可持续地开发和利用各民族文化的同时,发掘利用各民族文化中内容健康、积淀着民族思想道德特质的精神因素,使之融入现代精神文明中,以提升各民族的精神境界;在现代中华文化的各个领域、各个方面,从内容和形式上不断积极创新等.     

以共同历史记忆构筑中华民族共有精神家园

共同历史记忆具有共有性、时代性、建构性和凝聚性等鲜明特征，对展示中华文化符号、体现中华民族形象、铸牢中华民族共同体意识、促进各民族交往交流交融、构筑中华民族共有精神家园、增强中华民族凝聚力和向心力，发挥重要的载体依托、桥梁支撑和价值彰显作用。中华民族共同历史记忆是由各民族共同拥有的中华优秀传统文化、共同书写的革命文化、共同弘扬的社会主义先进文化的符号和标识等组成，是各族人民的感情依托、心灵归宿和精神家园，需要我们守护、传承、阐释和弘扬。     

构筑中华民族共有精神家园的生动实践——广西“壮族三月三”的创新与发展

构筑中华民族共有精神家园是铸牢中华民族共同体意识的有效途径,各民族共同创造的中华文化是中华民族共有精神家园的基本内涵。从二十世纪五十年代开始,通过广西壮族自治区有关部门的合力打造和全区各族人民的共同参与,“壮族三月三”经历了从民族传统节庆到国家级非物质文化遗产再到广西公共节日的转型,成为独具特色的各民族共享共创的中华文化符号和形象。“壮族三月三”的创新与发展,推动了广西各民族文化的传承、保护和交融,促进了民族团结进步活动的深入开展,对铸牢中华民族共同体意识发挥了积极的作用,成为构筑中华民族共有精神家园的一个生动范例。     

不断构筑中华民族共有精神家园

<正>习近平总书记强调：“文化是一个民族的魂魄,文化认同是民族团结的根脉。”“要着眼建设中华民族现代文明,不断构筑中华民族共有精神家园。”习近平总书记的重要论述,为我们做好新时代党的民族工作指明了前进方向、提供了根本遵循。我们要深刻领悟“两个确立”的决定性意义,增强“四个意识”、坚定“四个自信”、做到“两个维护”,深入学习贯彻习近平文化思想,全面贯彻落实习近平总书记关于加强和改进民族工作的重要思想,围绕铸牢中华民族共同体意识这一主线,着眼建设中华民族现代文明,推进中华民族共有精神家园建设。     

加强国学教育,积极弘扬优秀传统文化

"国学"是指以儒学为主体的中华传统文化与学术,振兴国学,从本质上来说就是弘扬中华民族的优秀传统文化,用优秀传统文化提升国人道德修养和人文素养,在建设中华民族的共有精神家园中凝心聚力,不断增强文化软实力和国家竞争力,为实现中华民族伟大复兴注入源源不竭的精神动力。     

局限、挑战和出路:当代视野中的传统中华民族凝聚力

传统中华民族凝聚力具有种种的历史局限性,也正因为这些局限,今天遭遇了巨大挑战。事实证明,传统中华民族凝聚力不能应对这些挑战。它的发展出路在于把自己转换成适应时代发展的当代中华民族凝聚力,这一过程实际上也是当代民族凝聚力的构建过程。这就要求在民族凝聚力的当代建设中,我们应在体现现代性的自觉性、包容性、结构平衡性、民族化和民主化等方向不断努力。     

中华民族凝聚力的更新和重构

维系中华民族凝聚力的传统因素,在于中国历史上形成的“超强社会聚合机制”,但这种机制随近代历史大门的打开和现代化的推进便逐步被打破。20世纪以来中国社会在自觉民族认同的确立,政治核心和主导意识形态的选择,内部聚合力及其经济基础的改造等方面,都使自己的民族凝聚力得到了更新和重构。这一更新和重构是成功的,从而保证了中华民族凝聚力在新的历史条件下的继续增强,但留有的缺失和问题也需我们认真检省和应对。     

韩国非物质文化遗产保护制度对我国的启示——以端午祭申遗成功为视点

韩国端午祭申报世界非物质文化遗产的成功,在中国引起很大反响。中国端午节和韩国端午祭之争的本质,是对传统文化保护与发扬。学术界以前的研究成果,主要集中在文化本身,但是对于两国遗产保护制度较为忽略。再加上第一手韩文文献难以取得,更增加了这一问题的研究难度。本文结合韩文文献,探寻其文化渊源,比较其文化差异,同时对非物质遗产保护制度进行深入分析,提醒我们:在经济发展下的社会转型期,必须重视传统文化的保护,否则在全球化时代,我们的文化身份和文化之根将会丧失。     

少数民族传统文化保护相关立法现状与完善

少数民族传统文化是中华传统文化的重要组成部分。加强立法,加大少数民族传统文化的保护力度,对于传承和弘扬中华文化具有重要意义。目前,我国少数民族传统文化保护立法还存在不足和缺陷,应当进一步完善立法,加强少数民族传统文化的保护。     

“一带一路”背景下内陆边境自贸试验区国家文化形象建设研究

自由贸易试验区的建设是落实共建“一带一路”倡议的重大举措,这不仅推进了我国的经济发展与国际接轨,而且也为中国文化“走出去”创造了机遇和平台。特别是内陆边境自贸试验区的建设,为立足我国本土“自塑”国家文化形象提供了实践平台,也为邻国人民“他塑”中国国家文化形象增置了认知窗口。面对当前内陆边境自贸试验区建设中国家文化形象建构面临的困境,灵活运用中华优秀传统文化符号以及新时代中国发展的新符号为表征,突出以人民为中心的中国特色社会主义文化本质和中华文化开放包容的品质特征,用社会主义核心价值观的培育与传播彰显当代中华文化的自信,从而达到对中国国家文化形象的宏观建构。     

中华民族共同体意识的概念构成、内涵特质及铸牢举措

铸牢中华民族共同体意识是促进民族团结进步、为社会稳定发展凝心聚力的重要举措,很有必要对中华民族共同体意识的概念构成与内涵特质进行深入剖析,进行采取相应的铸牢举措。在概念构成方面,中华民族共同体意识由"中华民族"、"意识"和"共同体"三个名词组合而成,对中华民族共同体意识的概念认识应当从这三个名词的概念上进行综合性把握。在内涵特质方面,"共同性"是中华民族共同体意识的根本属性,以对家园共同体、利益共同体、发展共同体、价值共同体所形成的看法为指向。在工作举措方面,要重点做好三方面工作:面向目标任务、抓住主线、深入研究和解决铸牢中华民族共同体意识的方法论问题。     

师儒与官绅：传统中国治水社会的士绅研究述评

Already for quite some time, the u-nique power structure of the traditional Chinese so-ciety has been viewed and discussed in the field of humanities and social sciences. Focusing on the status and role of its gentry class, Chinese and Western scholars have deeply researched the gen-eral characteristics of the political structure in the traditional Chinese society. And the analysis of the interaction between different social groups from the perspective of the traditional Chinese ‘hydraulic ’ structure has even gradually deepened and expand-ed this research topic. This paper looks at relevant research conducted by former scholars like e. g. Weber, Wittfogel, and Fei Xiaotong while attemp-ting to come to a more historic understanding of the relationship between the imperial power and the gentry class within the power structure of tradition-al Chinese society: this essay indeed focuses on the political status and social function of the gentry class in the traditional Chinese hydraulic society. Based on the research findings of scholars like Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, and Karl Heinrich Marx, Weber pointed out that in Eastern societies there was a certain relationship between the autoc-racy and the local irrigation-based agriculture. And Weber believed that the relationship between the autocratic imperial power and the more local Con-fucian gentry was the key to understanding the po-litical structure of the Chinese society. At that time and place, the local water management-projects, other entrenched bureaucracies, the respected Confucian gentry, as well as the central imperial power were all intertwined together; this shaped a unique form of political power in traditional China. By borrowing Marx’ s concept of ‘the Asiatic mode of production’ , Wittfogel discussed the rela-tionship between ( i ) the political autocracy and ( ii) indigenous irrigation projects in Eastern socie-ties, seen from the perspective of political econom-ics. He proposed that the political autocracy was a result of the social functioning of hydraulic pro-jects, and briefly described the Eastern society as an ‘Oriental-authoritarian ’ society under the rule of an ‘absolute monarchy’ . In the eyes of Wittfo-gel, the traditional Chinese gentry was just a bu-reaucratic group attached to the totalitarian rule:their power did not draw from their own knowledge monopoly of value ethics and ritual standards, but solely from their power-relationship with the des-potic ruler. According to Wittfogel, the‘hydraulic society’ , totalitarian rule, bureaucratic groupings, and imperial power were all intertwined and togeth-er made up the government form of the traditional Chinese society. While Weber described the gentry as reputa-ble Confucian intellectuals, Wittfogel regarded them as mere bureaucrats firmly attached to the to-talitarian rule. In contrast with the Western schol-ars’ too simple view of the ‘gentry group’, Chi-nese scholars have emphasized that this ‘gentry group’ was an organism made up of bureaucrats and literati:they not only participated in local gov-ernance and cultural activities, but they also lived and passed on the inheritance of Confucian ortho-dox ideology. Fei Xiaotong stressed constantly that the tradi-tional Chinese political system wasn ’ t completely arbitrary;instead it was closely related to the so-cial class of the scholar-officials ( a combination of the bureaucrats and gentry within Chinese socie-ty) . Fei stated that the traditional Chinese society had a‘bottom-up’ or‘secondary/parallel’ track:this ‘informal track’ made it possible for the ordi-nary people to pass on their opinions to top level people. Guided by tao-t’ung ( Confucian orthodox-y) , the scholar-intellectuals were able to influence political power by expressing their opinions and by putting forward a set of ethical principles. Al-though they had no part in real political power, they still maintained a social prestige. As a buffer between imperial power and the common people, the scholar-officials could not only extend the pow-er of the monarch to the far corners of society, but they also could properly protect the interests of farmers through some informal channels outside of the system. In the view of Yu Yingshi, the scholar-offi-cials not only were royal officers but also teachers of the emperor: that is why they could exert con-straint to autocratic imperial power. Nevertheless, autocratic imperial power also constrained them. Even so, the bureaucrats and gentry kept alive the tao-t’ung in traditional Chinese political life, which safeguarded basic social values. However, the strength of tao-t’ung was always weaker than that of the royal power, therefore, Chinese society did have a tendency of ‘oriental despotism’ described by Wittfogel. In the study of Zhang Yahui, the scholar-offi-cial group was positioned right in middle of the so-ciety: this allowed them to work upwardly and downwardly. They thus could ( i) cooperate with the public to fight against the rulers ’ invasion of local life, and they ( ii) could compromise and a-gree with the rulers as to construct a new harmoni-ous coexistence model. His study reemphasized the historical role of the scholar-official group in keep-ing social harmony. In this study, the scholar-offi-cial group on one hand counterbalanced the central power’ s interference with local affairs, and on the other hand shaped more reasonable identities of the central power, acceptable for local communities. Zhang Yahui’ s study reminds us that-in the tradi-tional Chinese society-authoritarian rulers, the scholar-official group, and the public interlaced with, constrained, and supported each other, and thus constituted the overall picture of the traditional China. The scholar-official group thus was a major force in maintaining the social cohesion of the tra-ditional Chinese society. When indeed we consider both the ‘master-scholars’ and ‘bureaucrats’-the two special components of Chinese scholar-official class-we can better understand the characteristics of the vivid and interactive relationships between the rulers, the scholar-officials, and the local com-mon people. In other words, only when we recog-nize these two aspects of the gentry class, can we see the ‘unifying mechanism ’ of the traditional Chinese society;this allows us to develop a clearer social and historical picture of the traditional Chi-nese interaction between imperial power, scholarly power, and civil rights. To get to this new under-standing of the power structure of the traditional Chinese hydraulic society, we need to critically re-view all sorts of other simplified understandings of the period gentry group.     

西藏民族传统体育资源的开发与利用研究

文章认为西藏传统体育是西藏人文资源的组成部分,是在西藏高原地域环境和地域条件及藏民族文化背景下产生和发展的,并在西藏经济社会的进程中和文化资源、旅游资源开发的过程中得到认识。它和西藏历史、宗教、艺术等相互依赖、相互渗透,具有明显的时代性、民族性和艺术性。因此,我们要充分利用西藏地域特点和丰富多彩的藏民族文化,深入开发西藏民族传统体育资源,保存和发展具有藏民族特色的体育活动,传承和发扬民族文化,将西藏民族传统体育引入全民健身机制,使传统体育资源为促进全民健身活动、为构建和谐社会服务。     

教育视域下的铸牢中华民族共同体意识

“中华民族共同体意识”是对“中华民族共同体”这一社会存在的反映。铸牢这一共同体意识,事关中华民族的凝聚力与向心力。在铸牢这一意识的过程中必须注意发挥教育的作用,教育是铸牢中华民族共同体意识的重要途径之一。当前,铸牢中华民族共同体意识的教育应注意的内容主要为形势教育、基本国情教育与历史教育。发挥好教育在铸牢中华民族共同体意识中的重要作用,需要明确谁负责、谁来抓和如何落实,也需要建立开展这一教育的制度及采取必要的措施。高校铸牢中华民族共同体意识的教育应融入政治理论课,以课堂教育为主渠道,同时也需要多形式、多渠道展开。     

我国少数民族师范教育的现状及发展趋势

随着知识经济,信息时代的到来以及中国成功加入WTO,对发展我国民族教育事业,既提供了一个飞速发展的有利契机,也同时面临严峻考验和挑战。充分体会教育创新的理念,变革我国少数民族师范教育的传统教育、教学模式和课程体系,适应国际教育发展新趋势。