高等学校教职工住房货币化初探

本文研究了高等学校教职工住房制度发展的必然趋势——教职工住房货币化制度,也研究了住房货币化的模型——ＹＧＺＨＭ模型,并对其参数进行了分析     

《后汉书·西域传》与《魏略·西戎传》的关系

《后汉书·西域传》与《魏略·西戎传》的关系余太山本文旨在说明《后汉书·西域传》所传有一部分摘自《魏略·西戎传》。确认这一点不仅有助于这部分文字的厘定，亦有助于这部分材料的诠释。（一）《后汉书·西城传》序称：＂班固记诸国风土人俗，皆已详备＇前书＇。今撰...     

当代中国法治与社会道德环境

当代中国法治所需要的道德环境系统由社会主体的道德认知水平、社会主体行为合法性与合道德性的统一、社会道德评价环境共同构成。道德认知只有外化为道德主体的合法性与合道德性统一的行为才具有现实意义,而这则是由法权威的合道德性与合法性的要求所决定的,它也同样是法权威的获得依据和保障。一定社会的法治总是对它的社会道德评价环境有着其固有的要求。就当代中国法治而言,这种要求主要体现在这样几个方面:道德的一致性、道德的先进性、道德追求目标与法治目标的同趋性。     

西方政治文明的历史发展

西方政治文明的发展经历了从古希腊罗马时代到近现代的发展历程。古希腊罗马时代将政治、文明等概念与城邦、公民、伦理、制度、国家组织等密切联系起来,对后来西方政治文明的发展产生了深远影响,是西方政治文明的萌芽。欧洲启蒙运动时期,在政治的意义上,"文明"这一观念从文明与野蛮的对立、表示个人与人类社会历史的进步和在理性与公正基础上代表良好的风尚与高雅的市民生活方式等方面得到新的发展。进入近现代,在法权制度的框架下,西方资本主义创造了丰富的现代政治文明,奠定了保障人的基本权利、人民主权、代议制民主、分权与制衡、法治、政府职能有限、政党政治、政治监督、正当法律程序、违宪审查等一系列政治文明的基本原理。     

论学术期刊的几种审稿方式

通过对学术期刊几种审稿方式:专家审稿和编辑审稿,匿名审稿和公开审稿,个体审稿和多人审稿的优劣对比分析,指出采用不同审稿方式应注意的问题,以便在审稿实践中灵活运用审稿方式。     

探究如何建立节约型园林技术体系

本文从节约型园林技术的概念与特点入手,分析了我国目前阶段在建立节约型园林技术中存在的一些问题,并对这些问题提出了相应的解决措施。节约型园林建设关系着我国对资源的利用,关系着生态环境的保护,关系着我国的可持续发展。因此,对如何建立节约型园林技术体系的探索研究是有重要现实意义的。     

世纪之初高校人力资源的开发与利用探微

21世纪高等教育承担着培养高素质人才和推动科技发展的重任,而高校人力资源特别是教师队伍的水平和质量是完成这个任务的关键,针对高校人力资源的现状,从转变观念、人事和分配制度改革、加强师资培训等方面,对高校人力资源的开发与利用提出了对策。     

香料与世界

Around 1500 , the world experi￣enced an explosion of exploration which greatly transformed the world for the next several hundreds of years. During this time, Christopher Columbus, Vasco da Gama, and other seafaring entrepreneurs sought new routes to India’s Malabar Coast and the Indonesian archipelago. The objective of their ef￣forts was mainly spice specifically pepper, cinna￣mon, nutmeg, clove, and a few others. In the en￣suing years, the Spanish, Portuguese, English, and Dutch would all seek to dominate the spice trade, employing an astonishing amount of blood￣shed and brutality to achieve their aims. They were undermined only by pirates, who would occasional￣ly plunder the spice boats, relieving them of their precious cargo.
The reason behind their desire to seek spice, was not only, and in fact, not even primarily, profits. In an age that poured its commercial ener￣gies into such un - poetical ends such as arms, oil, and mineral ores, the drive to obtain anything quite so quaintly insignificant as spice must strike us today as mystifying indeed. While historians of￣ten point to medieval Europe’s problems with ran￣cid meat, along with the mind -numbing repeti￣tiveness of its diet, as the source of spice’s early popularity, the main reason for desiring spice came down to one simple thing: mystery. Spices were, in a sense, magical if not divine, arriving by un￣known means from the vast blank spaces on the map, spaces populated by dragons, gods, and monsters. From mystery grew mystique. It was a seductive premise.
This article starts by examining the rise of Europe’s economy after the first millennium and the subsequent demand for Eastern luxuries. Ginger, mace, and other exotic ingredients quickly became status symbols among noblemen—not unlike furs or jewels—as well as staples in upper -class kitch￣ens, with nearly every dish deluged by seasonings, to the point where the medieval appetite for spice looked less like a taste than an addiction. It was also believed that ingesting spices was a way to im￣prove one’s health and that they could cure every￣thing from gangrene and paralysis to constipation and lung disease. Then there’s sex. Spice has long been associated with eroticism, including recent examples like the pop-music sex kittens the Spice Girls and the Spice soft-porn cable TV station. In the Middle Ages—when noblemen’s fear of infertil￣ity ran rampant—spices were widely believed to serve as aphrodisiacs. It was these very qualities, that led many medieval Christian leaders to de￣nounce spices—ginger in particular—arguing that their corrupting influence undermined monks’ vows of celibacy, with one mystic even comparing them to the forbidden apple of Eden. Others claimed their overuse could lead to drying out, derange￣ment, and even death. The most puritanical critics saw spice as nothing less than an affront to God, who had already met man’s basic needs by provi￣ding local foods, a gift cooks were now tampering with by introducing foreign flavors. Moreover, spice served as a medieval perfume, with the most spicy, most expensive varieties favored among the social elite. And spice was also used in mummifi￣cation and embalming techniques that continued in future centuries. For instance, the practice dates back to Ramses II, an Egyptian pharaoh who died in 1224 b. c.; an examination of his remains re￣vealed peppercorns stuffed up his large, and crooked nose, a discovery which startled scien￣tists.
Despite efforts by the Dutch to maintain their monopoly over spice plantations and prevent propa￣gation, products like cloves and nutmeg eventually spread to other regions of the world. This was largely due to Spanish and Portuguese smugglers—who reduced them to mere commodities and dimin￣ished their intrigue and notoriety, not to mention their cost. By the mid-1600s, pepper in particu￣lar had long since become available to the Europe￣an masses, prompting the nobility to lose interest. At the same time, crops like tomatoes and chilies, brought back from the New World, were broade￣ning the European diet and creating new options for cooks. A shift to simple, fresh, local ingredi￣ents—to foods that tasted like themselves—was un￣derway, a transformation nowhere as successful as in Italy, where simplicity remains the quintessence of its cuisine. As a result, the heavily spiced meals of the Middle Ages fell from favor. Once the province of aristocracy, spice became just the op￣posite. In the modern world, it tends to be the poor, not the rich, who eat spices.
While the history of spice from a Western point of view remarkably transformed the world, it should be noted that spice also underwent a quite different way of becoming modernized. In the re￣spect, spice in Chinese history constitutes a large part of the world history of spice.
Prior to the 15th century, pepper was regar￣ded as a rarity. In China it was as highly valued for medicinal purposes as ginseng and cassia bark are today. During the Tang dynasty, we find pep￣per mentioned side by side with stalactites, one of the most valuable drugs of the time. This is an in￣dication of how highly valued spice was. From that time onwards, the expression “800 piculs of pep￣per” came to be synonymous with riches and luxu￣ry. In China, the change in the value of pepper from being a precious commodity to one in common use came about as the result of several polices of Ming Emperor, including tribute trade, Zheng He’s voyages, and the scheme of supplying pepper instead of salaries to officials. The advent of direct dealings with the supply sources had a profound effect in China, and the circulation of other foreign commodities generally also increased greatly after these voyages.
From early Ming times, foreign trade, inclu￣ding that in pepper and sapanwood, was an Impe￣rial monopoly, closely guarded to ensure that all the profits went to the Emperor. One inevitable re￣sult of the importation into China of such huge a￣mounts of pepper, however, was that hitherto un￣developed exchange relations improved, though the equilibrium between demand and supply remained unsteady because of obstacles in the way of equita￣ble distribution. A sudden expansion of the selling market could only be expected to cause a dramatic fall in the price of pepper. This occurred much earlier than did the discovery of the direct passage to India by Vasco de Gama.
During the reign of the first Ming Emperor, Hong Wu, pepper and sapanwood were frequently given to subjects as a reward for services rendered, a practice first recorded in 1379 . During 1391 and 1392 , altogether 13 ,800 naval officers and soldiers on active service, and 12,000 soldiers engaged in ship-building were rewarded in this way, the lat￣ter receiving one catty of pepper each. In both ca￣ses these rewards, which were small in scale, were for completing tasks assigned. At the time of the enthronement of the second Emperor, Yong Le (1403), four catties of pepper, the highest pepper reward recorded, in addition to 30 ting of paper money, were given to a minor official for comple￣ting the Imperial seal. Considering the high value of paper money at that time, this showed that pep￣per was still treasured as a scarce commodity, and had not yet fallen into common use.
The effect of Zheng He’s voyages on the distri￣bution of pepper in the Chinese market is reflected by the form payments took in the early part of the Ming dynasty. In the 5th year of Yong Le (1407), following Zheng He’s return from his first voyage, came the first proclamation of an arrangement to supply the soldiers in all military stations in Peking with sapanwood in lieu of winter clothing. It is es￣timated that at least 250 , 000 army servicemen were involved. It was in 1420, after Zheng He’s fifth voyage, that pepper was first announced as a substitute for the clothing due to these same ser￣vicemen. However, the amount was by no means large:one catty and six ounces of sapanwood and four ounces of pepper were paid in lieu of a piece of thin silk material, and one catty of sapanwood and three ounces of pepper were paid instead of a piece of cotton cloth. The same scheme of suppl￣ying sapanwood instead of winter clothing was em￣ployed again the following year, 1421. At the same time it was proclaimed that part of the salary of all civil and military officials in Peking paid in the form of paper money was to be paid in sapan￣wood and pepper instead. Henceforth it was estab￣lished that the salary of officials should be paid partly in sapanwood and pepper, and it was clearly the pepper brought back by Zheng He’s fleet that was being used as substitute currency. Silver, pa￣per money, cloth, sapanwood, and pepper were interchangeable as currency.
Except for a very small amount retained for their own consumption, the officials would have had to sell most of their pepper on the market, which would inevitably accelerate the fall in its market price. By the mid-Ming period, spice that had been exclusively enjoyed by the upper classes, began to be popular among the commoners. The frequency of appearance of spice in dietary books, recipes, and daily life guides increased to an un￣precedented level. Pepper, especially, was broad￣ly used for cooking, pickling fruits, brewing, and making fragrant tea. The widespread application of perfume, as a typical merchandise from maritime trade, led to a profound transformation in people’s conception and style of everyday life.     

中国四大经济区区域产业竞争力的类别特征研究

了解各地区区域产业竞争力的类别特征,有助于细化分类指导、制定更有针对性的区域产业竞争力战略。采用所构建的区域产业竞争力指标体系和相关统计数据,对中国四大经济区（包括长三角、珠三角、京津冀、成渝经济区）范围内各行政地区区域产业竞争力进行聚类分析,将各地区划分为三大类型,对区域产业竞争力水平、人均GDP特征、优势产业特征、影响因素相关性等分析总结出相应的类别特征。依据类别特征,最后提出与不同类型地区相适宜的区域产业竞争力提升建议。     

对高校贫困生资助政策的评价与思考

目前,我国已基本建立起以奖学金、助学贷款、勤工助学、困难补助、学费减免为主体的、多元化的资助贫困生的政策体系。这些资助方式在资助贫困生的过程中起到了巨大作用,但每种方式在发挥其独特效能的同时也不可避免地带来一些负面效应。为了实现未来高校助学实践的科学健康发展,我们必须综合权衡我国高校现行资助政策存在的利弊,大胆改革高校贫困生资助方式。