解释《中庸》:孔子是诡辩派还是亚里士多德派

本篇论证了安乐哲和郝大维最近对《中庸》的解释和翻译在中国和西方思维样式之间划了一条错误的对立二分法的界线。西方思想并不都是以一个永恒不变的本质为出发点的 ,而中国的思想也不总是基于一个无确定性的变化世界。孔子的概念像“诚”和“物”与亚里士多德的本体语言很相似 ,两者都基于一个能动存在体的世界 ;这些存在体自返地努力完善和实现它们自己固有的潜能。所以用古希腊的诡辩派的语言来翻译这些及其它有关的中国的词语在哲学上是使人误解和不恰当的。而正像在这篇文章里看到的 ,恰当理解的亚里士多德的本体语言才能对《中庸》原文作出准确的表达和描述。     

对近年来西藏文学体验式批评理论的反思——从仓央嘉措及其情歌研究说开去

仓央嘉措及其情歌研究长期以来习惯于以仓央嘉措个人的生活事迹去推测情歌反映的内容 ,又从情歌本身的字面理解去反证仓央嘉措史实记载的确实性。这种社会历史大文化批评的具体运用 ,无疑推动了仓央嘉措及其情歌研究的深入发展 ,但在无确凿史实资料确定作品的归属性的情况下 ,以及情歌本身在流传的过程中不断有所增删的情况下 ,这种研究方法有着天然的障碍。与这种批评方法截然相反的是 ,近年来西藏文学创作和批评涌现出一股主体体验式理论的倾向。这种理论倾向的实践更多的是实验性的文学创作。许多作品在抽去具体的时空环境 ,消解社会历史的中心的同时 ,将语词修饰为一些空灵意象的情节对话 ,从而使作品的模糊性增强 ,但却不能使读者真正地进入作品 ,从而也不能实现阅读的价值。真正的文学批评是多方面的 ,必须兼顾作品本体论、作者创作论及其他一些文学要素之间的相互联系     

全国首次畲族史学术讨论会在广东省潮州市召开

由广东、福建、浙江三省民族事务委员会联合举办的全国首次畲族史学术讨论会,于一九八五年三月十二至十七日在广东省潮州市召开。参加会议的有国家民委、有关省区民族干部和中央民族学院、厦门大学、福建师范大学的学者、专家及法国、日本、香港的研究人员共六十三人。会议收到论文三十五篇,大家本着“百花齐放,百家争鸣”方针,就畲族族源和畲族地区经济发展、文化建设等问题,进行了学术交流。会议期间,大家到潮州凤南畲乡     

竹山畲乡行

竹山,是福建省畲族地区革命老根据地之一。当年,叶飞副委员长在这里打过胜仗,养过伤。如今这里的情况如何呢?不久前,笔者趁征集革命文物的机会,到这里采了一次风。竹山地处闽东僻壤,云峰锁着一条流水湍急的梨溪,人们进村只有一个渡口可过。当年反动派一来,山客(畲族自称)们就把竹排收起,配合红军作战。眼下,溪水被用来发电,渡口上架起了天桥。那天,我一下汽车,便见两位身穿凤凰妆(畲族妇女服装)的畲族少     

新型社会科学研究机构建设的目标与内容——作为组织系统的社会科学研究机构建设

新型社会科学研究机构建设的目标应该是有助于充分发挥出哲学社会科学认识世界、传承文明、创新理论、咨政育人、服务社会的作用,其角色实体方面是国家(地区)软实力的策源地,党和政府的思想库、智囊团,马克思主义的坚强阵地;其组织运行层面是高效运转的自组织。其建设内容包括促进开放,积极从其他系统中汲取物质、能量、信息;鼓励创新,使系统远离平衡态;以人为本,充分发挥非线性的相互作用;使自组织与被组织有机结合,有效利用涨落。     

师儒与官绅：传统中国治水社会的士绅研究述评

Already for quite some time, the u-nique power structure of the traditional Chinese so-ciety has been viewed and discussed in the field of humanities and social sciences. Focusing on the status and role of its gentry class, Chinese and Western scholars have deeply researched the gen-eral characteristics of the political structure in the traditional Chinese society. And the analysis of the interaction between different social groups from the perspective of the traditional Chinese ‘hydraulic ’ structure has even gradually deepened and expand-ed this research topic. This paper looks at relevant research conducted by former scholars like e. g. Weber, Wittfogel, and Fei Xiaotong while attemp-ting to come to a more historic understanding of the relationship between the imperial power and the gentry class within the power structure of tradition-al Chinese society: this essay indeed focuses on the political status and social function of the gentry class in the traditional Chinese hydraulic society. Based on the research findings of scholars like Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, and Karl Heinrich Marx, Weber pointed out that in Eastern societies there was a certain relationship between the autoc-racy and the local irrigation-based agriculture. And Weber believed that the relationship between the autocratic imperial power and the more local Con-fucian gentry was the key to understanding the po-litical structure of the Chinese society. At that time and place, the local water management-projects, other entrenched bureaucracies, the respected Confucian gentry, as well as the central imperial power were all intertwined together; this shaped a unique form of political power in traditional China. By borrowing Marx’ s concept of ‘the Asiatic mode of production’ , Wittfogel discussed the rela-tionship between ( i ) the political autocracy and ( ii) indigenous irrigation projects in Eastern socie-ties, seen from the perspective of political econom-ics. He proposed that the political autocracy was a result of the social functioning of hydraulic pro-jects, and briefly described the Eastern society as an ‘Oriental-authoritarian ’ society under the rule of an ‘absolute monarchy’ . In the eyes of Wittfo-gel, the traditional Chinese gentry was just a bu-reaucratic group attached to the totalitarian rule:their power did not draw from their own knowledge monopoly of value ethics and ritual standards, but solely from their power-relationship with the des-potic ruler. According to Wittfogel, the‘hydraulic society’ , totalitarian rule, bureaucratic groupings, and imperial power were all intertwined and togeth-er made up the government form of the traditional Chinese society. While Weber described the gentry as reputa-ble Confucian intellectuals, Wittfogel regarded them as mere bureaucrats firmly attached to the to-talitarian rule. In contrast with the Western schol-ars’ too simple view of the ‘gentry group’, Chi-nese scholars have emphasized that this ‘gentry group’ was an organism made up of bureaucrats and literati:they not only participated in local gov-ernance and cultural activities, but they also lived and passed on the inheritance of Confucian ortho-dox ideology. Fei Xiaotong stressed constantly that the tradi-tional Chinese political system wasn ’ t completely arbitrary;instead it was closely related to the so-cial class of the scholar-officials ( a combination of the bureaucrats and gentry within Chinese socie-ty) . Fei stated that the traditional Chinese society had a‘bottom-up’ or‘secondary/parallel’ track:this ‘informal track’ made it possible for the ordi-nary people to pass on their opinions to top level people. Guided by tao-t’ung ( Confucian orthodox-y) , the scholar-intellectuals were able to influence political power by expressing their opinions and by putting forward a set of ethical principles. Al-though they had no part in real political power, they still maintained a social prestige. As a buffer between imperial power and the common people, the scholar-officials could not only extend the pow-er of the monarch to the far corners of society, but they also could properly protect the interests of farmers through some informal channels outside of the system. In the view of Yu Yingshi, the scholar-offi-cials not only were royal officers but also teachers of the emperor: that is why they could exert con-straint to autocratic imperial power. Nevertheless, autocratic imperial power also constrained them. Even so, the bureaucrats and gentry kept alive the tao-t’ung in traditional Chinese political life, which safeguarded basic social values. However, the strength of tao-t’ung was always weaker than that of the royal power, therefore, Chinese society did have a tendency of ‘oriental despotism’ described by Wittfogel. In the study of Zhang Yahui, the scholar-offi-cial group was positioned right in middle of the so-ciety: this allowed them to work upwardly and downwardly. They thus could ( i) cooperate with the public to fight against the rulers ’ invasion of local life, and they ( ii) could compromise and a-gree with the rulers as to construct a new harmoni-ous coexistence model. His study reemphasized the historical role of the scholar-official group in keep-ing social harmony. In this study, the scholar-offi-cial group on one hand counterbalanced the central power’ s interference with local affairs, and on the other hand shaped more reasonable identities of the central power, acceptable for local communities. Zhang Yahui’ s study reminds us that-in the tradi-tional Chinese society-authoritarian rulers, the scholar-official group, and the public interlaced with, constrained, and supported each other, and thus constituted the overall picture of the traditional China. The scholar-official group thus was a major force in maintaining the social cohesion of the tra-ditional Chinese society. When indeed we consider both the ‘master-scholars’ and ‘bureaucrats’-the two special components of Chinese scholar-official class-we can better understand the characteristics of the vivid and interactive relationships between the rulers, the scholar-officials, and the local com-mon people. In other words, only when we recog-nize these two aspects of the gentry class, can we see the ‘unifying mechanism ’ of the traditional Chinese society;this allows us to develop a clearer social and historical picture of the traditional Chi-nese interaction between imperial power, scholarly power, and civil rights. To get to this new under-standing of the power structure of the traditional Chinese hydraulic society, we need to critically re-view all sorts of other simplified understandings of the period gentry group.     

尽善尽美——诗歌翻译中译者主体性的发挥

诗歌翻译对译者主体性的发挥有四大挑战,分别为：＂隐＂之琢磨不透;＂玄＂之表意不清;＂想＂之不合逻辑;＂巧＂之难以比拟。鉴于此,在诗歌翻译中,译者主体性的发挥应把握四大原则：＂感受音形美＂;＂揣摩立意美＂;＂体会境界美＂;＂重现综合美＂。把＂尽善尽美＂作为译者主体性发挥的出发点,译者主体性实现的归宿点,以＂综合美＂的实现,来平衡诸＂美＂间的冲突,有助于译诗者主体性的有效发挥。     

自建学科特色数据库重要性分析

文章阐述了学科特色数据库的含义,内容、原则并结合高校图书馆的特色,分析学科特色数据库对网络信息资源、数字化图书馆、学科建设、资源共享所起的重要作用,以提高高校图书馆文献信息服务保障能力.