Toward a Libertarian Theory of Evictionism

There are not two but rather three views regarding the issue of abortion. The first two, pro life and pro choice, are well known. The present paper is dedicated to an elucidation of the third, evictionism. In this perspective, the pregnant woman is allowed to evict her unwanted fetus, but, if it is viable outside of the womb, she is not legally permitted, also, to put it to death, as would apply to abortion. In other words, abortion combines two very different acts, eviction and murder, and only the former is licit, under libertarian law.     

Examining Outpatient Treatment Dropout in Adolescents: A Literature Review

This literature review explores the research to date on adolescent mental health treatment drop out. As many as one in five adolescents in the United States has been diagnosed with an Axis-I psychiatric disorder. Adolescents with Axis-I psychiatric disorders face significant short- and long-term consequences if they do not obtain mental health treatment. However, treatment dropout research has focused on child and adult populations with little focus on the unique issues that are likely to impact adolescents. The theoretical underpinnings for understanding adolescent mental health treatment are explored in relation to adolescent psychological development and the therapeutic alliance. The review concludes with suggestions for future research to extend our understanding of adolescent treatment drop out.     

Droit aux congés et conciliation entre travail et vie familiale dans les pays développés: pourquoi les travailleurs des Etats‐Unis sont perdants

A partir d'un indice synthétique des dispositions réglementaires sur les congés annuels et familiaux en Europe occidentale, aux Etats‐Unis, au Canada, en Australie, au Japon et en Corée, les auteurs classent ces pays quant au soutien à l'équilibre entre travail et famille. Les Etats‐Unis arrivent derniers: les employeurs ne sont pas tenus d'accorder des congés annuels, et les salariés ne peuvent prendre plus de douze semaines de congés par an pour raisons familiales. Ces normes comparativement basses s'expliqueraient par une conception fondée sur le libre marché et un postulat d'égalité de rapport de forces entre employeur et salarié. Vision qui n'est pleinement partagée par aucune des autres démocraties examinées.     

CMHS/CSAT Collaborative Demonstration Program for Homeless Individuals1

The Collaborative Demonstration Program for Homeless Individuals is providing an opportunity for several community agencies in the United States to explore innovative intervention and treatment strategies to address the needs of homeless people with co-occurring (mental illness and substance abuse) disorders. This cooperative agreement, funded jointly by the Center for Mental Health Services (CMHS) and the Center for Substance Abuse Treatment (CSAT), is a $3 million project supporting programs in various community     

On Property and Exploitation

The authors contend that what can legitimately be owned in a free society is only rights to physical property, not to the value thereof. You are thus free to undermine the value of our property by underselling us, by inventing a new substitute for our property, etc. But you cannot legitimately physically agress against our property, even if its value remains constant despite your efforts. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

New productive forces and the contradictions of contemporary capitalism

Conclusion The analysis that we have put forward is necessarily incomplete without developing its implications for political practice. However, considerations of space prevent us from elaborating on this aspect of our argument here. It is also the case that our ideas on politics are less coherent and developed than the theoretical perspective that we have outlined. This seems inevitable, since political thinking must be a collective project; political programs written by isolated individuals always sound hollow and abstract.Yet there are a few broad political implications of our analysis that are important to state here. The first is that any emancipatory politics in the present must begin with the realities of contemporary society, rather than from Marxist categories that have been rendered obsolete by the passing of accumulationist capitalism. While this point might seem obvious, it bears restating since so much current Marxist writing fails to grasp this idea. Second, while some might read our argument as an optimistic alternative to those theorists (Piccone, Lasch, Jacoby) who despair of the existence of emancipatory possibilities in the present, that is not our intention. For us, optimism and pessimism are not the important categories. In fact, our analysis incorporates the most pessimistic possible scenarios, since continued social stalemate in the face of post-industrial transition can unleash awesomely powerful pressures for individual and social regression. The point is rather that we have sought to develop an analysis that is genuinely dialectical — recognizing in this historical moment the interlocking processes of decay and development.This essay is a further elaboration of themes developed by L. Hirschhorn in a number of articles, see particularly Toward a Political Economy of the Service Society, Working Paper No. 229, Institute for Urban and Regional Development, University of California, Berkeley (IURD): The Social Crisis, Parts I and II, Working Papers No. 251, 252, IURD; Social Services and Disaccumulationist Capitalism, International Journal of Health Services, May, 1979; The Political Economy of Social Service Rationalization, Contemporary Crisis (Winter, 1978).     

Using social theory to leap over historical contingencies: A comment on Robinson

Conclusion To be fair to Robinson, it is worth mentioning that he does offer a number of qualifications to his thesis. He tries to avoid excessive determinism and at one point suggests: A satisfactory account should not imply an evolutionary notion and should leave open the possibility of historic discontinuities and of contingencies that generate alternative pathways of development, including alternative futures. In other words, maybe this embryonic TNS will never progress beyond its current stage or perhaps it will continue to grow but it will never become a real state. But the main thrust of Robinson’s account is strongly deterministic. In fact, he does not consider a single factor that might impede the unity of the global bourgoisie or derail transnational state formation. In a sense, Robinson’s mistake is that he has tried to derive a theoretical solution to a concrete problem that global capitalism has not yet solved in practice. While it might well be a logical step for capitalist elites to create a Transnational State, it is always risky to attribute too much rationality to an order that is notorious for its contradictions.