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141.
Objectives: The aim of this biobehavioral longitudinal study was to assess the association between sexually explicit material (SEM) use and risky sexual behavior among Croatian adolescents (n?=?577). Methods: The data were collected over the period of 15?months. Conditional dual-domain latent growth modeling was used. Results: Male adolescents’ initial SEM use, but not subsequent growth, was related to changes in sexual risk taking over the observed period. Among female adolescents, SEM use and sexual risk taking were significantly related only at baseline. Conclusions: Our findings point to gender-specific association between adolescents’ SEM use and risky sexual behavior. 相似文献
142.
ABSTRACTIn post-conflict societies, such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, education is recognised as a key factor in reconciliation. Yet the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement set in process arrangements that mean that Bosnia and Herzegovina’s three constituent ethnic groups (Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs) are educated separately. This paper examines students’ right to integrated schooling and an intercultural education, in keeping with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. It reports on small-scale empirical research on the impact of integrated and segregated education on students, focusing on the experiences of students who have had access to Bosnia and Herzegovina’s only fully integrated school. There are tensions between the competing educational rights of students and the cultural rights of ethno-cultural communities. Since entrenched political problems hinder the reestablishment of integrated public schooling, the paper considers the potential of service-learning and multicultural community engagement to challenge ethno-nationalist ideas promoted through segregated schools and enable peace and reconciliation. 相似文献
143.
Siniša Malešević 《Journal of historical sociology》2021,34(4):665-687
Historical sociologists have questioned the idea that nationalism and imperialism are mutually exclusive phenomena. In contrast to traditional historiography that depicted empires as ‘the prison houses of nations’ contemporary scholarship emphasises the structural and ideological ambiguities that characterised the 19th century European imperial projects. Hence instead of ‘popular longings’ for national independence the focus has shifted to the experiences of ‘national indifference’. In this paper I aim to go beyond this dichotomy by questioning the role of (nationalist) agency in the collapse of imperial order. Drawing on the primary archival research I zoom in on the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina under the Austro-Hungarian rule (1878–1918). The paper contests the view that the imperial state was severely undermined by the presence of strong nationalisms. I also challenge the notion that the majority of Bosnian population remained ‘nationally indifferent’ during this period. Instead, I argue that understanding the character of the Austro-Hungarian rule is a much better predictor of social change that took place in this period. Rather than stifling supposedly vibrant nationalisms or operating amidst widespread national indifference the imperial state played a decisive role in forging the nation-centric world through its inadvertent homogenisation of discontent. 相似文献
144.
Ana Antić 《Social history》2019,44(1):86-115
This article explores the surprisingly successful development of psychoanalysis in socialist Yugoslavia, and the discipline’s relationship with both Western paradigms and Yugoslavia’s own theory of workers’ self-management. It focuses primarily on child psychotherapy and psychoanalysis, and their attempts at reforming traditional Balkan ‘authoritarian’ families and helping raise democratic Marxist citizens. It argues that Yugoslav psychiatrists and psychoanalysts developed their own version of revolutionary and activist psychoanalysis, which was meant to contribute to a broad political and cultural discussion in Yugoslavia about constructing a society based on genuine Marxist collective and individual emancipation, an alternative to both Stalinist state socialism and Western capitalism/liberal democracy. Many ‘psy’ professionals used overtly political language to frame their aims and experiences, and turned their consulting rooms into revolutionary sites. West European practices and theories of child psychoanalysis figured prominently in Yugoslav clinical discussions and practice, but they were regularly linked to the broader goals of Marxist revolutionary politics, workers’ self-management or socialist struggle against patriarchy or ‘bureaucratized’ political relations. Therefore, the Yugoslav experiment, in which a new activist psychoanalysis became mainstream and state-funded psychotherapy, remains central to understanding psychoanalysis as a tool for socio-political critique and activism in the second half of the twentieth century. 相似文献
145.
Snježana Gregurović Drago Župarić‐Iljić 《International migration (Geneva, Switzerland)》2018,56(3):105-122
This article examines the level of development of integration policies in the European Economic Area and the attempts to compare and standardize them. We discuss national integration models and policies based on the results of the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) and OECD/EU indicators of integration. Indicating the possible pitfalls of measuring and comparing integration policies, the results of researches into labour mobility and access to citizenship are examined. This comparative study shows that the indicators of immigrant integration are often at odds with the development level of integration policies, which results in their inadequate implementation in practice. Furthermore, EU countries face different challenges in the enactment of integration policies which spring from diverse (im)migration experiences, the scope of past migrations, and recent migratory flows. This is why integration policies should be re‐indexed, taking into consideration the particularities of (im)migration flows, the size of the immigrant population and other relevant factors. 相似文献
146.
Although research has shown a connection between minority stressors and internalizing mental health problems, the role of minority stress has mainly been neglected in the assessment of sexual problems among non-heterosexual men. Using online samples of heterosexual (n = 933) and non-heterosexual participants (n = 561) aged 18 to 50 years, this study aimed to comparatively assess sexual difficulties and problems and explore the role of minority stress in non-heterosexual men's sexual problems. Although the age-adjusted odds of reporting rapid ejaculation, delayed ejaculation, and sex-related anxiousness significantly differed between the two groups, the overall prevalence of sexual difficulties and the associated levels of distress did not significantly differ between the samples. In multivariate assessment, anxiety and depression significantly increased the odds of reporting distressing sexual difficulties among both heterosexual and non-heterosexual participants. In the non-heterosexual sample, positive body image significantly decreased the odds of experiencing sexual problems. Pointing to a role of minority stress, highest levels of victimization related to sexual orientation increased the risk of sexual problems. This association was partially mediated by negative emotions. Our findings offer some support for a recent call to include sexual orientation among the social determinants of health recognized by the World Health Organization. 相似文献
147.
148.
Selma Porobić 《International migration (Geneva, Switzerland)》2017,55(5):192-204
This article discusses the prospects for realization of rights‐based return against the backdrop of a twenty years‐long (inter)nationally managed return process to post‐Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina. It draws on 42 in‐depth interviews with two different waves of returnees: early assisted returns (1997‐2005), and later self‐organised returns (2005‐2013). Our findings show that realization of return implicates the courageous well‐planned and self‐orchestrated life return projects, closely inter‐linked with the construction of the complex micro‐social structures buffering against the unpredictable macro‐social context of post‐Dayton BiH. Instead of being propelled by formal and assisted return programmes, it is rather the intricate relational practices with space(s) and people – continuously investing in the multisite local and transnational social networks, and flexible mobility and settlement patterns ‐ shaped by social agency of the returnees that lead to realization of the return projects. 相似文献
149.
Danijela Majstorović 《Feminist Media Studies》2016,16(6):1093-1108
This paper engages in a mixed-method study combining the bibliographic method, textual media analysis of women’s magazines from different periods during and after Yugoslav socialism, and qualitative focus group interviews to map out the complex trajectories of feminism spanning a period of forty-something years. Its goal is to see how socialist and post-socialist media representations of women’s experiences correspond with feminist or post-feminist values in the former Yugoslavia and today. Engaging in a genealogical exercise and critical reading of the sources of data listed above, I aim to mark out some of the differences between the contexts of then and now, in order to make it more possible to reassess the potential for rethinking feminism as emancipatory politics in the present. 相似文献
150.
Zorica Kuzmanović 《Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power》2015,22(4):416-432
Drawing from the constructivist approach to heritage that defines it as a reflection of contemporary social circumstances, we attempt to outline the key agencies and processes shaping the reception of the Roman heritage in contemporary Serbia. Our case study points to the process of creation of the main narrative of Roman heritage in the country as Serbia – homeland of the Roman Emperors and to its role in the construction and promotion of social ideologies and identities. Analysis of the increasing popularisation of the legacy of the Roman past in public discourse presents considerable opportunities for questioning the social reality reflected by the reception of Roman heritage in Serbian context. 相似文献