国家的策略性:农业技术变迁中的政治因素——基于一个少数民族案例的研究

冬小麦推广是20世纪70年代西藏现代化的主要成就,小麦从少有种植一跃成为西藏第二大作物。令人困惑的是,藏族农民最初曾强烈抵制小麦,两三年后却又成了国家政策的积极实践者。在此过程中,国家如何消解农民的抵制,怎样改造他们的观念?基于档案和口述史材料,本文认为政治运动发挥了关键作用：第一,广泛开展的阶级斗争打击了对新技术的抵制,分化了基层社会,农民间的相互监督使"弱者的武器"成为不可能;第二,政治运动具有思想改造和情感动员功能,它将小麦塑造成解放的象征,激发了农民的政治认同和实践热情。但是,政治运动对生产也有一定负作用,冬小麦推广在20世纪70年代后期走上了"盲信政治、无视现实"的歧途即与此有关。     

民族文学国际传播中的文化传递——以《尘埃落定》英译本为例

中国民族文学作品的国际传播必须注意文化的传递,这对于塑造中华民族形象、突破他人话语体系、提升文化影响力具有重要意义。但由于文化空缺的存在,中国民族文化向外译介面临诸多难点。葛浩文夫妇翻译的阿来小说《尘埃落定》是将民族文化向国际传播的优秀成果,分析其在民族文化传递方面的得失和方法对于提高我国民族文学翻译质量和传播民族文化具有重要的借鉴意义。通过英汉文本比较发现,葛氏夫妇的译本综合采用了音译、直译、意译、形象借用等多种翻译手法,尽量保留了原作的文化意境,但也存在误译现象,扭曲或丢失了一些文化意象。总的来说,译本忠实地再现了川西高原土司制度瓦解时期的社会文化韵味,有效地传递了中国民族文化。     

康定锅庄文化遗产价值新阐释

The understanding of the traditional research of Kangding Guozhuo mainly covers four aspects:1 ) It is widely believed in the academic world that the Guozhuang ( meaning singing and dancing in a circle ) of Kangding was a unique product which combined politics, economics and culture together. 2) It was a specific business form based on the family unit, fulfilling multiple func￣tions such as an inn, a shed, a commodity inter￣mediary, an administrative office, a commodity transformation point, and a banking establishment. And it was also a place for cultural exchange be￣tween the Tibetans and the Han . 3 ) The formation of Guozhuang culture establishes a new element in the culture of the Tibetan-Yi corridor. 4 ) Zheng Shaoxiong mentions that the Guozhuangzhu ( the Guozhuang host ) had played an intermediary role in assisting the Tibetan businessmen to sell or pur￣chase goods - this helped to maintain the trade relations between the Han and Tibetans ( or their communication) . This kind of ingenious institu￣tional arrangement was a historical practice in keeping the balance of the relationship between different cultural communities, such as the Qing court, Tusi ( native officials ) and the Guozhuang host of Kangding. It reflects the wisdom in ethnic interactions, and can be borrowed in present ethnic regional autonomous system.
The above mentioned understanding is a result of study from the perspective of history, ethnology or economics. Although Zheng Shaoxiong’s re￣search was born from the old mindset, and pro￣posed the new value of Guozhuang cultural mecha￣nism, there is still a lack of research on this cul￣ture from such comprehensive perspectives as ur￣ban history, cultural anthropology, and economic anthropology. Thus it cannot fully reveal the fea￣ture and value of Kangding Guozhuang, a complex cultural phenomenon.
Based on existing data, past research, and fieldwork on the oral history of Kangding Guozhuang conducted in August 2013 , this article gives some new interpretations to the features of Guozhuang culture from an interdisciplinary per￣spective as follows:
1 ) The forever “48 Guozhuang” are a Kang￣ding urban memory, which displays the common cultural psychology of regarding Kangding as an important trade city of the Han and Tibetans; and Guozhuang carries a folk cultural memory of more than 200 years. After the gaitu guiliu policy ( re￣placement of native officials with centrally appoint￣ed officials) in the late Qing period, the number of newly appeared Guozhuang even reached 60 to 70 .“Although each of them had its own courtyard, and people also called them Guozhuang, they were still quite different from the 48 Guozhuang in the minds of the Kangding people”. This not only in￣dicates that the 48 Guozhuang within the orthodox system were deeply rooted in the hearts of the local people, but also reflects that Guozhuang were re￣garded as the most proper carrier for the communi￣cation between the Han and Tibetan during the late Qing period, otherwise so many Guozhuang court￣yards would not have appeared in history.
2 ) From the name to its architectural form, or function, a Guozhuang was influenced by the Han culture, however, it still had strong Tibetan char￣acteristics. Actually it could be regarded as a min￣iature of local culture of Kangding. Every Guozhuang had its own Tibetan name and Chinese name. The architectural style of the Guozhuang was actually different from traditional multiple -level blockhouse. There was always a courrtyard, and it was larger than that of Han. The vast court￣yard was not only a space for the Tibetan business￣man to cook food and boil tea, but also a space for organizing their entertainment activities, such as singing and dancing in a circle. You Tai, a minis￣ter of the Qing dynasty in Tibetan areas, recorded a grand dancing party organized by the local Tusi to welcome his arrival, which reflected the significant position of the Guozhuang in cultural activities. The upper-class of the Kham area, including Tusi and the Guozhuang host, tried to build a close re￣lationship with both Tibetan and Han in all means, including the title, kinship relation or customs, and successfully built up a central zone on which both sides can be understood. It was just due to the special geographical location and cultural tradi￣tion that made the reconstruction of a cross cultural buffer zone possible.
3 ) The managers of the Guozhuang were mainly the hostesses ( Ajia Kaba in Tibetan lan￣guage) , and this also reflected a kind of feminism in Kham culture. The tradition of the Dong nv guo ( East Kingdom of Women ) enabled the women to run their business in and out of the family. When the tea trade started, the Guozhuang host had to spend much of their energy on providing service to the Tusi, so the Guozhuang hostess took the re￣sponsibility of managing the business of the Guozhuang. Ajia normally controlled the initiative of negotiation in the Han-Tibetan trade, and they played the role of interpreters in the negotiation. There were many live -in son -in -laws in the family of the Guozhuang and this kind of marriage was even more popular in the period from the late Qing dynasty to the Republican era.
If we conduct an analysis of the value of Kangding Guozhuang from multiple dimensions, we would notice that the existence of the non-market interpersonal model in this institution, on some certain degree, had solved the problem of the lack of social cohesion resulting from marketization. From this angle, the value of Guozhuang culture in the improvement of the economic institutions of the market cannot be ignored.
This fieldwork also reflects the significant and comprehensive influence of the Guozhuang cultural heritage of Kangding. When viewed from this an￣gle, its value is incredible. According to the data collected from the fieldwork, all the people, inclu￣ding officials, scholars, businessman and ordinary people, are aware that the Guozhuang is a cultural heritage which has a high and comprehensive val￣ue. If the relevant government bodies could in￣clude it into the scope of heritage protection, and build it into a cultural space of intangible cultural heritage, it will have a much higher heritage val￣ue , and play an important role both in the econom￣ic development and construction of harmonious eth￣nic relationships.
The Kangding Guozhuang also played a role in the deconstruction of the Han - Tibetan social structure - this kind of value can not only be in￣troduced to the present world and influence the fu￣ture world, but also can be seen as a hub which connects the “ancient” and “modern” Han -Ti￣betan relations. Traditionally, there was a structur￣al rule in the communications between the Han and Tibetan, namely that “the Han and Tibetans are somewhat separated from each other ”, however, the Guozhuang model in Kangding deconstructed this Han-Tibetan rule. This was closely related to elements such as social composition, ways of life, marriage, family, kinship, and religious customs. The disappearance of Guozhuang also has its own causes, for instance, the absence of inheritors and failure in operation of this system. However, this article proposes that it is mainly influenced by the social reforms in the historical process. Hence, that is the reason why modern enterprises which re￣tain certain connotations of the Guozhuang could re-appear in the Kang area. In the survey, we no￣tice that some enterprises have already made efforts in this regard. In summary, Kangding Guozhuang had creatively formed a security institution with a more humanized nature, and played an important role in the alleviation of social tensions in ethnic areas. Contemporary society, composed as it is of people with multi-ethnic backgrounds, still needs this kind of “deconstruction”.     

《儿女英雄传》中的副词“都”及其语法化

《儿女英雄传》是《红楼梦》通向现代北京话的中途站,通过它可以了解汉语在19世纪中期的基本面貌。当时,副词“都”已具备表示范围和表示语气等用法,其语气副词用法中有一类兼表已然义。根据《儿女英雄传》中反映的语言事实和语法化的一般规律,副词“都”的语法化路径应该为“范围副词→语气副词→兼表已然义的语气副词”。     

新时期新阶段新疆民族工作的四大历史课题

新疆多民族的区情和民族问题的长期性、复杂性决定了在不同的历史阶段新疆民族工作面临着不同的历史课题。在新时期新阶段,新疆民族工作必须正确认识和把握加快发展、注重民生、共同繁荣、维护稳定这四大历史课题;必须坚持以中国特色社会主义理论为指导,立足推进跨越式发展和长治久安的实践,统一认识,扎实工作。     

手机传播机制与受众文化心理

手机传播充分进入了人们的日常生活,传播人人同时参与的事实基本实现。手机媒体文化传播显现出普适性、放射性的传播机制,人际传播动能极强,手机媒体传播机制具有“碎片化”传播的随机性与多样化特点．手机的使用最大限度地缓解了现代人的．心理危机,满足了人们多样化交流的欲望。从手机文化传播受众需求来看,使用与满足正是人们使用手机媒体、构筑手机文化的心理动机。     

西柏坡精神的基本内涵及其社会效应

在西柏坡时期,中国共产党人逐渐孕育了以“两个务必”、“两个敢于”、“两个坚持”、“两个善于”为基本内涵的西柏坡精神。西柏坡精神与井冈山精神、长征精神、延安精神既一脉相承、紧密联系,又独具特色。多角度、全方位、科学地探析新时期西柏坡精神的基本内涵及其重大意义．以期能对加强新时期党的科学化建设有所裨益。     

《滇南盐法图·安宁井》的图形与技术文献志研究

本文使用图形阅读与历史考证的方法,对国家博物馆的一级收藏品<滇南盐法图>中的第五帧图画"安宁井"进行了研究.第一,对<滇南盐法图>的作者李苾进行了初步的考证.第二,通过图形阅读,对<滇南盐法图·安宁井>提供的信息进行了详细的解读和分析.第三,对云南几十种文献进行了搜集整理,纵向梳理了安宁井从汉代到民国时期的发展历程,为中国科技文献的图画类资料的研究提供了一个具有参考意义的个案研究.     

创新、升级与培育——2013上海文化消费报告

在全国文化消费方兴未艾的背景下,上海文化消费尤为繁盛。在载体方面,创新与多元化趋势增强。由政府主导的基础型公共文化服务体系进一步完善,消费产品更加多样化,但仍存在公共文化机构数量不足、消费理念薄弱等问题。电影节、书展、动漫节、艺术节、艺博会五大节庆类公共文化平台在消费产品多元化、亲民化、国际化方面的趋势更加明显。新媒体作为市场主导的自主型文化消费载体,发展迅猛。网购、APP、微博经济、网络文学消费稳步增长。在客体方面,假日旅游和出境游消费火爆,私人影院等体验式消费备受青睐,演艺、奢侈品消费呈爆发式增长。在主体方面,上海已形成高、中、低3类消费主体并存的文化消费格局,阶层化倾向日趋明显。     

向心的凝聚:容美土司国家认同研究

作为“边缘族群”与“华夏中心”良性互动的典型,容美土司认同多民族国家的历史与经验至今为后人赞赏与称道.容美土司国家认同本质上是对多民族国家的认同,文化认同是根基、身份认同是核心、政治认同是表征,三者表现出统一性与矛盾性的变化;在土司与王朝的良性互动中,容美土司实现了族群认同与国家认同的有机结合,并在这一过程中实现族群发展与文化繁荣,为国家稳定与繁荣做出了杰出的贡献.