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2005年大选之后的经历给伊拉克国内各政治力量留下了深刻教训,他们意识到国家的安全和稳定需要一个有什叶派、逊尼派以及库尔德人代表参加的联合政府。2010年大选产生了一个联合政府,该政府将有机会实现国家统一,并向邻国传递积极的信号,即伊拉克不会对它们产生威胁,同时新政府也将面临巨大挑战。选举产生的政府将承担起领导国家走向主权独立的历史责任,并努力提高伊拉克在该地区的地位和影响力,尤其是在2011年底美军撤出伊拉克之后。2010年12月21日,新内阁获得国民议会投票表决通过,从而开启了多党派联合执政的架构。 相似文献
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‘The language is disgusting and they refer to my disability’: the cyberharassment of disabled people
Zhraa A. Alhaboby Haider M. al-Khateeb James Barnes Emma Short 《Disability & Society》2016,31(8):1138-1143
Disabled people face hostility and harassment in their socio-cultural environment. The use of electronic communications creates an online context that further reshapes this discrimination. We explored the experiences of 19 disabled victims of cyberharassment. Five themes emerged from the study: disability and health consequences, family involvement, misrepresentation of self, perceived complexity, and lack of awareness and expertise. Cyberharassment incidents against disabled people were influenced by the pre-existing impairment, perceived hate-targeting, and perpetrators faking disability to get closer to victims online. Our findings highlight a growing issue requiring action and proper support. 相似文献
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Objective. Although debate concerning the theory of evolution is part of an ongoing U.S. dialogue over the proper role of religion in society, academics have provided little in the way of systematic understanding of public opinion on this issue. Important questions, such as the relative influence of socializing agents—religion and education—in shaping attitudes on evolution remain unanswered. Building on socialization and cognitive accessibility theories, we offer a framework for predicting public opinion on human origins and the teaching of evolution in public schools. Methods. We model attitudes on evolution and related policy through analysis of data from a 2005 national survey of U.S. adults. Results. Our analysis suggests that religion and education are key predictors of opinion, but that gender, partisanship, and ideology also play an important role. Conclusion. The socializing agent of religion outweighs the effect of education on attitudes related to evolution. 相似文献
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Network researchers must contend with recall, forgetting, alters whose names are not known, and other potential biases in estimating the size of personal (ego) networks. We use data from a longitudinal study of sexual and drug use ego networks. Results show 6% forgetting for 30-day sex partners, 18% for drug use partners, and 26% for close friends. Forgetting is decreased by behavioral specificity and salience. Forgetting increases with network size and time frame. In the domain of sex relationships, global estimates of network size, at least over a period of 30 days, are equivalent to estimates from partner naming 92% of the time if anonymous partners are accounted for. 相似文献
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2005年大选之后的经历给伊拉克国内各政治力量留下了深刻教训,他们意识到国家的安全和稳定需要一个有什叶派、逊尼派以及库尔德人代表参加的联合政府。2010年大选产生了一个联合政府,该政府将有机会实现国家统一,并向邻国传递积极的信号,即伊拉克不会对它们产生威胁,同时新政府也将面临巨大挑战。选举产生的政府将承担起领导国家走向主权独立的历史责任,并努力提高伊拉克在该地区的地位和影响力,尤其是在2011年底美军撤出伊拉克之后。2010年12月21日,新内阁获得国民议会投票表决通过,从而开启了多党派联合执政的架构。 相似文献
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Zaglul Haider 《Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs》2016,36(3):427-443
This paper is an outcome of an empirical research conducted in Bangladesh. I argue in this paper that the Biharis in Bangladesh can constitute an effective human capital with their knowledge, ability, and experience. However, this prospective human capital is not counted in the national development of Bangladesh. The findings of the research demonstrate that under the Bangladesh citizenship law the Biharis are de jure citizens. Nevertheless, they are still de facto stateless, because their citizenship is ineffective. I conclude that the “political will” of the Government of Bangladesh can make a breakthrough to overcome all invisible barriers on the way of effective citizenship of the Biharis. This will lead to their transition from de facto stateless persons to effective citizens or human capital and ultimately, this will contribute to the development of Bangladesh. 相似文献
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美国撤军伊拉克后伊朗和沙特的抗衡 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
美国从伊拉克撤军后对伊拉克安全稳定的最大挑战是地区势力的角逐,尤其是伊朗和沙特在该地区的竞争将对伊拉克的安全和稳定带来重要影响。沙特担心伊朗将利用其在伊拉克的影响来使其在美国撤军后在地区称霸。本文讨论伊朗和沙特之间的竞争以及该竞争对伊拉克未来稳定的影响。 相似文献
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美国从伊拉克撤军后对伊拉克安全稳定的最大挑战是地区势力的角逐,尤其是伊朗和沙特在该地区的竞争将对伊拉克的安全和稳定带来重要影响。沙特担心伊朗将利用其在伊拉克的影响来使其在美国撤军后在地区称霸。本文讨论伊朗和沙特之间的竞争以及该竞争对伊拉克未来稳定的影响。 相似文献