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71.
72.
Prof. Dr. Rainer Schnell 《KZfSS K?lner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie》2002,54(1):147-156
Reuband’s article purports to report empirical results that seem to contradict the widely held view of mail surveys. This assertion is made possible only by an unclear statement of hypotheses and a selective perception of the literature. The data analysis is based on techniques from the 1960s and 1970s; modern methods are not even mentioned. Although all the results reported in the article are based on local surveys conducted by a university institute, these are generalized to national surveys in general. The main points of this critique are methodological: careless literature review, lack of concrete hypotheses, inefficient data analysis and generalizations without empirical foundation. 相似文献
73.
74.
CORRUPTION: TOP DOWN OR BOTTOM UP? 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
This article studies the impact of corruption on an economy with a hierarchical government. In particular, we study whether centralizing corruption within the higher level of government increases or decreases the total amount of corruption. We show that when the after-tax relative profitability of the formal sector as compared to that of the informal sector is high enough, adding a layer of government increases the total amount of corruption. By contrast, for high-enough public wages and/or an efficient monitoring technology of the bureaucratic system, centralization of corruption at the top of the government hierarchy redistributes bribe income from the lower level to the upper level. In the process, total corruption is reduced and the formal sector of the economy expands. 相似文献
75.
76.
This study replicated and extended previously reported sex differences involving both viewer and target in the recognition of threatening facial expressions. Based on the assumption that the evolved cognitive mechanisms mediating anger recognition would have been designed by natural selection to operate quickly in the interests of survival, brief tachistoscopic presentation of stimulus photographs was used. Additionally, in contrast to prior published studies, the statistical methods of signal detection research were used to control for the confounding effects of non-random guessing. The main hypothesis, that anger posed by males would be more accurately perceived than anger posed by females, was supported. A secondary hypothesis, that female-posed anger would be more accurately perceived by women than by men, received partial support. Testosterone levels, measured inferentially in terms of diurnal cycles, failed to show the hypothesized positive relationship to accuracy of anger perception. 相似文献
77.
V. Conclusions The empirical evidence is strong that minimum wages have had little or no effect on poverty in the U.S. Indeed,
the evidence is stronger that minimum wages occasionally increase poverty. It also suggests that the minimum wage does not
even lower poverty for the one group that, almost by definition, one would expect to be helped: full-time, year-round workers.
While the empirical results suggest minimum wages do not achieve what is ostensibly their primary goal — relieving poverty
among the working poor — minimum wages do seem to impose a real cost on society in terms of lost income and output. The empirical
evidence on work hours suggests that a $1 increase in the minimum wage, far from being almost costless, could conceivably
impose income losses to American workers in the $12-15 billion range per year — an amount equal to the “income deficit” of
millions of persons counted as poor by the U.S. Bureau of the Census. 相似文献
78.
79.
Thomas K. Kenemore 《Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal》2002,19(4):269-270
80.
Changing Frameworks in Attitudes Toward Abortion 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
For more than two decades, legal abortion has been the subject of heated political debate and adversarial social movement activity; however, national polls have shown little change in aggregate levels of support for abortion. This analysis examines how the determinants of abortion attitudes have changed between 1977 and 1996, using data from the General Social Surveys. While in early time periods, whites were more approving of abortion than blacks, that pattern had reversed by the late 1980s. After controlling for other factors, older people are more accepting of abortion throughout the two decades, while gender is generally unrelated to abortion views. Catholic religion weakens slightly as a predictor of abortion attitudes, while religious fundamentalism and political liberalism increase in explanatory power. The associations between attitudinal correlates and abortion approval also change over this time period. Religiosity becomes a less powerful predictor of abortion attitudes, while respondents' attitude toward sexual freedom and belief in the sanctity of human life increase in their predictive power. Support for gender inequality remains a weak but stable predictor of abortion attitudes. This pattern of results suggests that the public is influenced more by the pro-life framework of viewing abortion than by the pro-choice perspective. 相似文献