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Many observers doubt the capacity of digital media to change the political game. The rise of a transnational activism that is aimed beyond states and directly at corporations, trade and development regimes offers a fruitful area for understanding how communication practices can help create a new politics. The Internet is implicated in the new global activism far beyond merely reducing the costs of communication, or transcending the geographical and temporal barriers associated with other communication media. Various uses of the Internet and digital media facilitate the loosely structured networks, the weak identity ties, and the patterns of issue and demonstration organizing that define a new global protest politics. Analysis of various cases shows how digital network configurations can facilitate: permanent campaigns; the growth of broad networks despite relatively weak social identity and ideology ties; transformation of individual member organizations and whole networks; and the capacity to communicate messages from desktops to television screens. The same qualities that make these communication-based politics durable also make them vulnerable to problems of control, decision-making and collective identity.  相似文献   
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64.
There are many models that require the estimation of a set of ordered parameters. For example, multivariate analysis of variance often is formulated as testing for the equality of the parameters versus an ordered alternative. This problem, referred to as isotonic inference, constrained inference, or isotonic regression, has led to the development of general solutions, not often easy to apply in special models. In this expository paper, we study the special case of a separable convex quadratic programming problem for which the optimality conditions lead to a readily solved linear complementarity problem in the Lagrange multipliers, and subsequently to an equivalent linear programming problem, whose solution can be used to recover the solution of the original isotonic problem. The method can be applied to estimating ordered correlations, ordered binomial probabilities, ordered Poisson parameters, ordered exponential scale parameters, or ordered risk differences.  相似文献   
65.
Asthma patients' health status may be especially sensitive to some types of air pollution, but the evidence on this is mixed. We explore the effects of ground-level ozone on asthma patient's activities, breaking apart the usual aggregated category of leisure into indoor and outdoor activities, and differentiating those by whether the activities were active or inactive. Applying the semiparametric censored estimation method we demonstrate that even though the period over which activities were observed was relatively low in ozone levels, there is a significant impact of ozone on a few activities. The (non-ozone) economic and demographic variables in the model play significant roles in explaining the allocation of time among seven activities, suggesting the suitability of the approach for other household decision-making contexts.  相似文献   
66.
The risky business of insurance pricing   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
The factors influencing insurance pricing decisions are assessed using the ISO product liability ratemaking files for 1980–1984. The mean loss level has a strong positive effect on manual rates and premium rates/exposure. Evidence on a variety of ambiguity measures is more mixed. As a broad generalization, risk ambiguity lowers manual rates, which may reflect exclusion of large loss outliers as being unrepresentative. Risk ambiguity tends to have a positive effect on actual pricing decisions for particular policies, especially bodily injury lines and the interactive risk-ambiguity model.  相似文献   
67.
Squared residual autocorrelations have been found useful in detecting departures from linearity in time series models. This is especially the case with data exhibiting heterogeneity in variances. A rank test is proposed which is much more robust than its parametric counterpart.  相似文献   
68.
This study examines the relationships among personal coping resources, social support, external coping resources, job stressors and job strains in a sample of 110 American Telephone and Telegraph employees undergoing a major organizational restructuring. The study expanded on a model suggested by Ashford (1988) by defining another category of coping resources that employees may draw upon to deal with the stressors and strains which occur during major organizational changes. External coping resources were defined as those which provided employees with a sense of 'vicarious control' in stressful situations. Results indicated that personal coping resources, social support and external coping resources had a direct effect upon job stressor and strain levels. No 'buffering' effect of these coplng resources was found. Hierarchical regression analyses indicated that external coping resources added to the prediction of job stressors and strains even when pertonal coping resources and social support were entered first into the prediction questions.  相似文献   
69.
The author reports on a study of the liquid nitrogen treatment of warts at the Rutgers University Student Health Center. He demonstrates that liquid nitrogen therapy is a safe, effective treatment method, appropriate for use by nurses and other primary providers in a college health setting.  相似文献   
70.
Unions,PAC contributions,and the NAFTA vote   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Political action committees (PACs), especially those controlled by organized labor and business, have been shown to affect Congressional voting. We explore how PACs influenced the House of Representatives’ vote on the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The NAFTA vote is analyzed because organized labor strongly opposed the treaty while business generally supported it and because of the straight-forward voting generated by its fast-track status. Probit analysis of a unique, unpublished data set containing information about PAC and non-PAC contributions to the 1992 House election campaigns demonstrates that Representatives who depended largely on labor PACs tended to oppose NAFTA, while Representatives who derived a large proportion of their campaign contributions from business PACs tended to favor its passage.  相似文献   
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