从社会安全网到社会风险管理：社会保护视野中社会救助的创新

市场机制发育和社会保护建设,在转型国家中至关重要。社会救助,由于其目标定位依据选择性原则,其功能在于拾遗补缺,其后果常造成羞辱效应和社会排斥,长期以来在社会保护体系中边缘化。在全球性福利国家转型的浪潮中,社会保护的取向发生了深刻转变,形成了积极社会政策的框架,强调必须超越收入保障,转变为积极的能力建设。随着整个社会保护体系向积极干预主义的转型,社会救助有了新的定位,从仅具有保护性的社会安全网转变为社会风险管理的利器。社会救助项目,无论其目标定位人群是长期失业者、抚养儿童的家庭、弱势人群还是老年人,都纳入了能力建设的积极内容,以帮助受益者摆脱福利依赖,跳出福利陷阱,参与劳动市场,融入社会生活。     

名震好莱坞的中国特效师

他是电影《2012》后期制作团队中唯一的中国面孔,他用特效制作出传说中的诺亚方舟,引起了全球观众的震撼。翻开特效师姚骐的履历,《2012》、《黑客帝国3》、《星球迷航》、《澳大利亚》、《斯巴达克斯》……这些中国人熟悉的好莱坞大片,还有国内巨制《赤壁》赫然在列。     

数字经济时代下的统计科学发展——第十九次全国中青年统计科学研讨会综述

<正>由中国统计学会和《统计研究》编辑部联合主办、南开大学统计与数据科学学院承办的第十九次全国中青年统计科学研讨会于2022年11月5日至6日在北京、天津两地分设会场,以线上线下相结合的方式举办,本次会议主题是“数字经济时代下的统计科学发展”。     

香料与世界

Around 1500 , the world experi￣enced an explosion of exploration which greatly transformed the world for the next several hundreds of years. During this time, Christopher Columbus, Vasco da Gama, and other seafaring entrepreneurs sought new routes to India’s Malabar Coast and the Indonesian archipelago. The objective of their ef￣forts was mainly spice specifically pepper, cinna￣mon, nutmeg, clove, and a few others. In the en￣suing years, the Spanish, Portuguese, English, and Dutch would all seek to dominate the spice trade, employing an astonishing amount of blood￣shed and brutality to achieve their aims. They were undermined only by pirates, who would occasional￣ly plunder the spice boats, relieving them of their precious cargo.
The reason behind their desire to seek spice, was not only, and in fact, not even primarily, profits. In an age that poured its commercial ener￣gies into such un - poetical ends such as arms, oil, and mineral ores, the drive to obtain anything quite so quaintly insignificant as spice must strike us today as mystifying indeed. While historians of￣ten point to medieval Europe’s problems with ran￣cid meat, along with the mind -numbing repeti￣tiveness of its diet, as the source of spice’s early popularity, the main reason for desiring spice came down to one simple thing: mystery. Spices were, in a sense, magical if not divine, arriving by un￣known means from the vast blank spaces on the map, spaces populated by dragons, gods, and monsters. From mystery grew mystique. It was a seductive premise.
This article starts by examining the rise of Europe’s economy after the first millennium and the subsequent demand for Eastern luxuries. Ginger, mace, and other exotic ingredients quickly became status symbols among noblemen—not unlike furs or jewels—as well as staples in upper -class kitch￣ens, with nearly every dish deluged by seasonings, to the point where the medieval appetite for spice looked less like a taste than an addiction. It was also believed that ingesting spices was a way to im￣prove one’s health and that they could cure every￣thing from gangrene and paralysis to constipation and lung disease. Then there’s sex. Spice has long been associated with eroticism, including recent examples like the pop-music sex kittens the Spice Girls and the Spice soft-porn cable TV station. In the Middle Ages—when noblemen’s fear of infertil￣ity ran rampant—spices were widely believed to serve as aphrodisiacs. It was these very qualities, that led many medieval Christian leaders to de￣nounce spices—ginger in particular—arguing that their corrupting influence undermined monks’ vows of celibacy, with one mystic even comparing them to the forbidden apple of Eden. Others claimed their overuse could lead to drying out, derange￣ment, and even death. The most puritanical critics saw spice as nothing less than an affront to God, who had already met man’s basic needs by provi￣ding local foods, a gift cooks were now tampering with by introducing foreign flavors. Moreover, spice served as a medieval perfume, with the most spicy, most expensive varieties favored among the social elite. And spice was also used in mummifi￣cation and embalming techniques that continued in future centuries. For instance, the practice dates back to Ramses II, an Egyptian pharaoh who died in 1224 b. c.; an examination of his remains re￣vealed peppercorns stuffed up his large, and crooked nose, a discovery which startled scien￣tists.
Despite efforts by the Dutch to maintain their monopoly over spice plantations and prevent propa￣gation, products like cloves and nutmeg eventually spread to other regions of the world. This was largely due to Spanish and Portuguese smugglers—who reduced them to mere commodities and dimin￣ished their intrigue and notoriety, not to mention their cost. By the mid-1600s, pepper in particu￣lar had long since become available to the Europe￣an masses, prompting the nobility to lose interest. At the same time, crops like tomatoes and chilies, brought back from the New World, were broade￣ning the European diet and creating new options for cooks. A shift to simple, fresh, local ingredi￣ents—to foods that tasted like themselves—was un￣derway, a transformation nowhere as successful as in Italy, where simplicity remains the quintessence of its cuisine. As a result, the heavily spiced meals of the Middle Ages fell from favor. Once the province of aristocracy, spice became just the op￣posite. In the modern world, it tends to be the poor, not the rich, who eat spices.
While the history of spice from a Western point of view remarkably transformed the world, it should be noted that spice also underwent a quite different way of becoming modernized. In the re￣spect, spice in Chinese history constitutes a large part of the world history of spice.
Prior to the 15th century, pepper was regar￣ded as a rarity. In China it was as highly valued for medicinal purposes as ginseng and cassia bark are today. During the Tang dynasty, we find pep￣per mentioned side by side with stalactites, one of the most valuable drugs of the time. This is an in￣dication of how highly valued spice was. From that time onwards, the expression “800 piculs of pep￣per” came to be synonymous with riches and luxu￣ry. In China, the change in the value of pepper from being a precious commodity to one in common use came about as the result of several polices of Ming Emperor, including tribute trade, Zheng He’s voyages, and the scheme of supplying pepper instead of salaries to officials. The advent of direct dealings with the supply sources had a profound effect in China, and the circulation of other foreign commodities generally also increased greatly after these voyages.
From early Ming times, foreign trade, inclu￣ding that in pepper and sapanwood, was an Impe￣rial monopoly, closely guarded to ensure that all the profits went to the Emperor. One inevitable re￣sult of the importation into China of such huge a￣mounts of pepper, however, was that hitherto un￣developed exchange relations improved, though the equilibrium between demand and supply remained unsteady because of obstacles in the way of equita￣ble distribution. A sudden expansion of the selling market could only be expected to cause a dramatic fall in the price of pepper. This occurred much earlier than did the discovery of the direct passage to India by Vasco de Gama.
During the reign of the first Ming Emperor, Hong Wu, pepper and sapanwood were frequently given to subjects as a reward for services rendered, a practice first recorded in 1379 . During 1391 and 1392 , altogether 13 ,800 naval officers and soldiers on active service, and 12,000 soldiers engaged in ship-building were rewarded in this way, the lat￣ter receiving one catty of pepper each. In both ca￣ses these rewards, which were small in scale, were for completing tasks assigned. At the time of the enthronement of the second Emperor, Yong Le (1403), four catties of pepper, the highest pepper reward recorded, in addition to 30 ting of paper money, were given to a minor official for comple￣ting the Imperial seal. Considering the high value of paper money at that time, this showed that pep￣per was still treasured as a scarce commodity, and had not yet fallen into common use.
The effect of Zheng He’s voyages on the distri￣bution of pepper in the Chinese market is reflected by the form payments took in the early part of the Ming dynasty. In the 5th year of Yong Le (1407), following Zheng He’s return from his first voyage, came the first proclamation of an arrangement to supply the soldiers in all military stations in Peking with sapanwood in lieu of winter clothing. It is es￣timated that at least 250 , 000 army servicemen were involved. It was in 1420, after Zheng He’s fifth voyage, that pepper was first announced as a substitute for the clothing due to these same ser￣vicemen. However, the amount was by no means large:one catty and six ounces of sapanwood and four ounces of pepper were paid in lieu of a piece of thin silk material, and one catty of sapanwood and three ounces of pepper were paid instead of a piece of cotton cloth. The same scheme of suppl￣ying sapanwood instead of winter clothing was em￣ployed again the following year, 1421. At the same time it was proclaimed that part of the salary of all civil and military officials in Peking paid in the form of paper money was to be paid in sapan￣wood and pepper instead. Henceforth it was estab￣lished that the salary of officials should be paid partly in sapanwood and pepper, and it was clearly the pepper brought back by Zheng He’s fleet that was being used as substitute currency. Silver, pa￣per money, cloth, sapanwood, and pepper were interchangeable as currency.
Except for a very small amount retained for their own consumption, the officials would have had to sell most of their pepper on the market, which would inevitably accelerate the fall in its market price. By the mid-Ming period, spice that had been exclusively enjoyed by the upper classes, began to be popular among the commoners. The frequency of appearance of spice in dietary books, recipes, and daily life guides increased to an un￣precedented level. Pepper, especially, was broad￣ly used for cooking, pickling fruits, brewing, and making fragrant tea. The widespread application of perfume, as a typical merchandise from maritime trade, led to a profound transformation in people’s conception and style of everyday life.     

浅析新媒体环境下影视课堂教育的发展

20世纪后期,随着网络的兴起和广泛使用,梅罗维茨又重新发展了自己的情境理论,他认为电子媒介的使用,带来了人与人更广泛的交流,物质距离已经不能再限定社会交往,出现了"球土化"现象,由此带来了更大范围的情境适应行为的变化。梅罗维茨的媒介情境论认为,传播媒介的变化影响社会场景的变化,社会场景的变化又会影响着社会行为的变化。在网络社会中,网络使用的自主性、后台屏障的设置以及网络使用平台的多样化,都可以起到设置新情境的作用,而每一个情境实际上都是一个新的信息系统。例如,对于不会上网的孩子,父母在孩子在场的情况下所使用的网络工具,实际上已经建立了一个新的情境系统。     

纺织服装供应链库存控制与企业绩效管理研究

本文选取43家纺织业和23家服装业上市企业为研究对象,采用面板数据分析方法,分析了1996-2008年间纺织服装企业采用供应链库存管理对企业绩效的影响.研究结果表明纺织服装业库存周转率与销售毛利率显著负相关;库存周转率与库存比重显著负相关;库存周转率与提前期显著负相关;库存周转率与公司规模显著正相关;纺织服装业ROA与库存周转率显著正相关.     

辽宁绒山羊在靖边适应性研究和品质鉴定

辽宁绒山羊是我国绒山羊的优良品种之一,在榆林地区有很好的适应性。通过引入榆林地区的辽宁绒山羊进行系统分析、观察。其生产力、品质都优于产地。     

“金饭碗”不保，青年公务员的“上升”通道在哪

反腐之风劲刮后，公务员隐性福利减少，昔日“金饭碗”似有松动之势。在不少青年人看来，公务员岗位恰似“围城”：城外，公考虽在“降温”，但仍然热度颇高；城内，公务员“倒苦水”、呼吁涨薪的声音不断。近一年半，“八项规定”之下，青年公务员经历了怎样的心态变迁？新一轮公务员薪酬改革拉开大幕，青年公务员如何看待这一改革？让我们走进“围城”之内，一窥究竟。     

培养大学生民族团结意识和能力的重要性和紧迫性

促进民族团结、实现共同进步是民族地区的根本任务。如何深刻认识和加强大学生思想道德建设对于促进民族团结有特殊意义。如何把大学生培养成传承民族团结进步的栋梁、实现民族地区的长治久安而不懈努力,这是各类高等院校在加强大学生思想道德建设中必须研究的重要课题。     

对三类色彩词的补论

按照人们认识色彩的阶段,色彩词分为辨色词、指色词和描色词。辨色词的归类一般没有异议,指色词中的"物+颜色"类属于指色和描色两个不同类别的色彩词,其归属情况较为模糊。制陶行业这类特殊领域使用的色彩词如浇红、吹青等,究竟归属描色词还是指色词,在词汇意义和用法上出现了矛盾。通过句法分析可以认定,指色和描色不能截然分开。描色词具有非颜色语素义的模糊性、他指性、描写性和主从性。极限程度的语义蕴含、语义虚化和词汇的常用属性都可能导致物色词谓词化。因此,辨色、指色、描色这三个阶段不但相继,而且随着历史的发展,后两个阶段既相继又并行。色彩词群中一类新词,如广告中色彩词的类别归属,是辨色词、指色词和描色词不能囊括的。