On Track Multi‐Agency Projects in Schools and Communities: A Special Relationship

Social inclusion, multi‐agency projects in education in the United Kingdom increasingly seek to work with participation from children, families and communities and through partnerships with other agencies. In this paper, the complexities of such developments are examined. The paper looks at the wider context of preventative and social inclusion projects and highlights the ways in which schools tend to be the dominant locus of communication, delivery and control in the early stages of project implementation. Schools are seen to be valuable conduits into the community, to have the potential to begin capacity‐building with isolated individuals and to forge informal networks. This presents significant challenges to project and school managers, working towards genuinely empowering multi‐agency preventative work and support. A ‘special relationship’ embracing schools, projects and community appears the most productive way forward for such projects. Copyright © 2006 National Children's Bureau.     

Shaking the bad boys: troubling the criminalization of black boys’ childhood play,hegemonic white masculinity and femininity,and the school playground-to-prison pipeline

ABSTRACT

Few studies have sought to understand the childhood play experiences of Black boys in early childhood education (ECE), and a majority of those that investigate them often socially construct Black boys’ play as criminal, dangerous, and monstrous. Considering the dangers of hegemonic masculinity and femininity or the racial and gendered power and privilege White boys and girls bring to societal spaces including playgrounds, little is known about how such power influences the experiences of Black boys who play with them. In this conceptual paper, I draw on critical race theory (CRT) to trouble the criminalization of Black boys’ childhood play and hegemonic White masculinity and femininity, which can prove violent and dehumanizing to Black boys. As such, I suggest that similar to the school-to-prison pipeline (STPP), Black boys may become victims of what I call the school playground-to-prison pipeline (SPTPP) as a consequence of White children’s accusations, fears, misperceptions, and misreadings of Black boys’ play. Recommendations are provided for teacher and ECE to better support Black boys and the cross-cultural play interactions between them and White children.     

A multiple regression method for analysing stage-frequency data

Summary A linear regression method that allows survival rates to vary from stage to stage is described for the analysis of stage-frequency data. It has advantages over previously suggested methods since the calculations are not iterative, and it is not necessary to have independent estimates of stage durations, numbers entering stages, or the rate of entry to stage 1. Simulation is proposed to determine standard errors for estimates of population parameters, and to assess the goodness of fit of models.     

Learning web analytics: A tool for strategic communication

This essay discusses the usefulness of analytical software for public relations and communication professionals. Using data from four organizations (academic, professional, governmental, and activist), the authors unpack web analytic tools and their potential for improving the strategic communication skills of students.     

Private Information and Insurance Rejections

Across a wide set of nongroup insurance markets, applicants are rejected based on observable, often high‐risk, characteristics. This paper argues that private information, held by the potential applicant pool, explains rejections. I formulate this argument by developing and testing a model in which agents may have private information about their risk. I first derive a new no‐trade result that theoretically explains how private information could cause rejections. I then develop a new empirical methodology to test whether this no‐trade condition can explain rejections. The methodology uses subjective probability elicitations as noisy measures of agents' beliefs. I apply this approach to three nongroup markets: long‐term care, disability, and life insurance. Consistent with the predictions of the theory, in all three settings I find significant amounts of private information held by those who would be rejected; I find generally more private information for those who would be rejected relative to those who can purchase insurance, and I show it is enough private information to explain a complete absence of trade for those who would be rejected. The results suggest that private information prevents the existence of large segments of these three major insurance markets.     

Note on a method for analyzing stage-frequency data

Summary A new method for analyzing stage-frequency data is proposed which is based on the estimation of rates of transition between one stage and the next highest stage in one unit of time, and a unit time survival rate that is assumed to be constant. Once these estimates are calculated it becomes possible to also estimate the mean durations of stages, stage-specific survival rates, and numbers entering stages. An advantage of the method is that it can be applied with any distribution of entry times to stage 1, and any distribution of numbers in stages when sampling begins. Use of the method is illustrated on data from a copepod population in a Canadian lake.     

Presidential Success in the Realm of Foreign Affairs: Institutional Reform and the Role of House Committees*

Objective This analysis focuses on institutional reform and the House foreign policy committees to assess the resurgent‐Congress explanation of presidential success in international affairs between 1953–1998. Method Logit models are used to determine the changing effects on presidential success resulting from the support of chairmen and the president's co‐partisans on the foreign policy committees due to the 1970s congressional reforms. Results The analysis illustrates differences in the effects of committee leaders and committee co‐partisans on roll‐call success before and after the reforms. Also, contrasts are found in the effects of the foreign policy panels that differentially influence presidential success. Conclusion The article offers evidence that the institutional reforms that changed the House policy process from one dominated by committee chairs to one responsive to political parties significantly altered presidential success. These findings emphasize the importance of the changing congressional environment in explaining presidential success in foreign policy.