Using Geographic Information Systems to Reconceptualize Spatial Relationships and Ecological Context

In this article, the author demonstrates how geographic information system (GIS) software can be used to reconceptualize spatial relationships and ecological context and address the modifiable areal unit problem. In order to do this, the author uses GIS to (1) test an important category of spatial hypotheses (spatial proximity hypotheses), (2) overcome methodological problems that arise when data sets are not spatially comparable, and (3) measure ecological context. The author introduces a set of GIS variable construction techniques that are designed to accomplish these tasks, illustrates these techniques empirically by using them to test spatial proximity hypotheses drawn from the literature on environmental inequality, and demonstrates that results obtained using these techniques are methodologically superior to and substantively different from results obtained using traditional techniques. Finally, the author demonstrates that these techniques are the product of an alternative conceptualization of physical space that allows sociologists to develop new ways to think about and measure spatial relationships, ecological context, and place-based social inequality and that gives them the ability to reconceptualize spatially based methodological problems that have confronted them for years.     

爱情曾经盛开如繁花

一舒其琳和陈青桐分开有三个月了。这三个月,他们极少联系,分开就是分开了,还藕断丝连做什么。按说真应该是这个道理,可他们有藕断丝连的理由。山顶上那所房子是他们一起贷款买的,看中的是那里风景好,山上有茂密的松林,还有一些三十年代法国人留下来的老房子,和现在新开发的小区相映成趣。那时他们还在热恋,一下贷了三十万,二十年还清。舒其琳说,到那时我就四十五了,人到中年了,你还爱我吗?陈青桐说,当然,老太婆的你也许更有风情,我喜欢。一句话就说到了舒其琳的心里去。两年之后他们却分开了。搬离了那间叫做雪屋的房子,回到单位住单身宿舍…     

智者多算

有一个叫做“狡兔三窟”的成语,说的是野兔在构筑洞穴时,会设置多个洞口,为自己留下足以全身而退的出路,以防猎人或天敌到来时被逼入绝境,束手就擒。《孙子兵法》中说:多算胜,少算不胜,何况不算乎!狡兔三窟,智者多算。当钱塘江畔吴越争霸的硝烟尚未熄灭的时候,范蠡已经盘算着与西施隐遁山林,全身而退的计划了;当兜售孙权“美人计”的使者刚刚踏足荆州时诸葛亮已经为刘备准备好了过江娶亲的三个锦囊妙计;当朱元璋面对各路起义军的土崩瓦解冷冷发笑时,官高爵显的刘伯温已经在青田构筑明哲保身的田园了。古往今来,智者无不高瞻远瞩,千思万虑,步…     

The impact of Chilean migration on employment in Patagonia

This paper discusses the employment situation of Chilean migrant workers, their impact on labor markets in Patagonia, Argentina, and the government's past and projected responses to this phenomenon. In 1980, Chilean inhabitants of patagonia comprised 11% of the area's population. Chilean migration to patagonia was closely linked to economic activities that began to flourish in the 20th century, such as livestock raising, fruit and vegetable cultivation, and mining for coal and petroleum. No Chilean migrants work in a wide range of sectors. In Patagonia's southern provinces availability and ability to withstand rigorous climate conditions are the main factors which account for the prevalence of Chilean manpower. Chilean migrants do not in general displace local manpower. Legislation and the permeability of the border ensure that most workers enter the country as tourists. Clandestine migration is not an issue. Illegal migrants have provoked negative reactions for several reasons: 1) they comprise a marginal population without formal citizenship; 2) being employed as clandestine workers, they pay no social security, nor do their employers; 3) being illegal, they are obliged to accept lower wages and inferior working conditions which creates unfair competition within labor markets; and 4) as a result of these conditions, xenophobic and endophobic attitudes in relations with Argentine nationalists are reinforced. The government has attempted to solve these problems through various measures. Beginning in 1934, most foreigners entered Argentina with a tourist visa, becoming illegal when they stayed beyond authorized limits. Several measures over the years provided amnesty to illegal migrants. Currently, the law promotes immigration, monitors the admission of foreigners to the country and stipulates their rights and obligations. The law lists 115 articles on immigration promotion and on regulation of the movements of foreigners. Because of the present economic crisis in Argentina, authorities are investigating the effect of Chilean manpower on Argentine labor markets.     

Training with o (observing) and T (treatment) teams in live supervision: reflections in the looking glass*

Working with a treatment and observing team at the same time, behind the oneway mirror, offers a variety of ways to: (a) generate multiple realities; (b) work with two different models of family therapy simultaneously; and (c) provide feedback on the teams' own roles, rules and group process. The process that 6 trainees and two supervisors used with T and O teams to examine their own coevolution as a therapeutic system using the Milan model of family therapy and Ericksonian hypnotherapy is described. The article concludes with a discussion of the advantages and pitfalls of this type of dual supervision.     

Utilizing a game for both needs assessment and learning in adolescent sexuality education

A fact-gathering, experimental game proved to be an effective instrument in the needs assessment phase of an adolescent sexuality educational program aimed at low-income females. The game ("Family Few"), which covered the topics of menstruation and reproduction, was played by 35 Black, Hispanic, and white females aged 13-16 years recruited from medical and psychiatric clinics in Miami, Florida. The goals of the game were to elicit terminology used by participants, identify and correct misconceptions and misinformation, and determine if learning could occur. Although 57% of participants reported prior exposure to formal sex education, misinformation about the need for activity curtailment during menstruation and the importance of early pregnancy detection was widespread. Group members believed they needed to restrict activities involving physical exercise, sexual relations, water, and cold during menses and were not likely to seek medical or family consultation regarding a missed period until the end of the 1st trimester of pregnancy. Also evident was a need for accurate information on the side effects, risk factors, benefits, and effectiveness of contraceptive methods. The group responses enabled the sex educators to prepare a culturally responsive, developmentally oriented curriculum for further work with disadvantaged female adolescents. The group process was ranked highly on the Likert Scale by these teenagers as an enjoyable, useful means of information dissemination and problem solving.