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We examine racialization processes experienced by women of Mexican origin in a northern border community during a protracted period of restrictive immigrant policies that have disparately affected Mexican-origin communities, and consider pathways through which these experiences may affect health. This grounded theory analysis draws on interviews conducted in 2013–2014 with 48 first, 1.5, and second generation Mexican-origin women living in Detroit, MI. Racialization processes blurred boundaries between Latinas/os, immigrants, and undocumented immigrants. Racialized policies and interactions required women to negotiate shifting and often precarious social and political terrain. We describe racializing markers used by agents of multiple institutions to assess the legal status of women and members of their social networks, shaping their access to the resources over which institutional agents held power. Specifically, we consider the dynamic mechanisms by which multiple legal, social, and employment institutions exacted immigrant policing and bureaucratic surveillance. These include: (1) interior and border immigration enforcement agents’ active surveillance of residents; (2) local law enforcement officials’ assertion of authority over driver’s licenses and contact with immigration officials, often in traffic-related encounters; (3) Secretary of State clerks’ discretion in assessing legal status and issuing driver’s licenses and state IDs; (4) social welfare agents’ scrutiny of citizenship status in determining access to nutritional, economic, and medical resources; and (5) employers’ exploitation of these structural vulnerabilities to justify unfair treatment of immigrant workers. We theorize several mechanisms, by which these processes affect health, including: stigmatization; hypervigilance; and restricted access to health-promoting resources.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

Based on dissonance theory, we predicted that individuals who supported a political figure (Donald Trump), were exposed to information about his wrongdoings, and believed the veracity of this information would be most likely to share social media that points to incidents in which opponents also engaged in wrongdoing. Participants (N = 409) varying in their support for Trump were exposed to information concerning his alleged wrongdoings (or a neutral article). They viewed a meme of a political rival (Hilary Clinton) that alluded to her alleged wrongdoings, and reported how likely they would be to share the meme (and indicated how accurate they believed the Trump article was). Results supported the prediction, suggesting that dissonance may cause individuals to emphasize the wrongdoings of opponents.  相似文献   
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民商事争议可仲裁性问题探究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
仲裁作为现代多元化纠纷解决机制中的重要方式,是解决当事人争议的有效手段。争议事项是否具有可仲裁性,是仲裁法理论中必须解决的首要问题。它在很大的程度上决定了仲裁协议的效力,仲裁庭的仲裁管辖权和仲裁裁决的承认与执行等重大权利和经济利益。笔者试图结合我国《仲裁法》及解决涉外经济贸易争议的实践,提出这在理论上和实务中均有意义的命题,以窥探国际商事仲裁的发展趋势,同时也有利于我们更清楚地认识和更充分地利用国际商事仲裁这一争议解决方式。  相似文献   
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Although marriage market characteristics are often used to explain in–out marriage transitions, Guttentag and Secord's sex ratio thesis provides a unique theoretical framework by which to elucidate marriage and divorce. The theory emphasizes the availability of “opposite” sex partners as an important factor, but hypothesized outcomes assume a gendered marriage market whereby males are more socioeconomically powerful than females. Using geographically standardized census tract data (N = 65,443), I examine the theory empirically across three decennial time points. After establishing that males, on average, hold a disproportionate amount of socioeconomic power, I conduct cross‐sectional regression analyses of marriage and divorce from 1980 to 2000. Results partially support the theory. While female marriage is consistently related to sex ratios as expected, sex ratios influence male marriage as expected only in some time periods and female and male divorce do not operate as expected in any time point. The findings imply that marriage entry and dissolution have distinctive causal mechanisms, suggesting the need for further theorization and research.  相似文献   
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The B.R.A.D. Birthday Card initiative was started on the campus of Michigan State University (MSU) in April 1999. MSU administrators send the safe-drinking 21st birthday card (B.R.A.D.) and laminated wallet card to students shortly before their 21st birthday. OBJECTIVE: To evaluate the effectiveness of the 21st birthday card, MSU and B.R.A.D., Inc, applied for and were awarded a 2-year US Department of Education grant in 2001. PARTICIPANTS: The authors surveyed 1,731 students within 2 weeks of their 21st birthday. METHODS: Of all students turning 21 years old during the study, the authors randomly selected students for each group. A control group received no card. All others received the standard B.R.A.D. card or a gender-tailored message card. RESULTS: Key findings include: 74% of students saved part of the card, 65% shared the card with family or friends, 22% reported thinking about the card during their celebration, 12% reported drinking less because of the card, 15% reported learning something new about alcohol poisoning, and 98% believed that MSU and B.R.A.D. should continue sending cards to students. CONCLUSIONS: Receiving, reading, and recalling the content of the B.R.A.D. card appears to reduce the total number of drinks a celebrant consumes.  相似文献   
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This paper analyzes monetary policy in a stylized New-Keynesian model. A number of issues are focused upon: (i) optimal monetary policy under commitment or discretion versus ad-hoc monetary policy based on simple rules, (ii) the effects of fiscal policies and foreign variables on monetary policy, (iii) the effects of fiscal deficit and interest rate smoothing objectives and the role of forward-backward linkages in the model. The model is estimated for the Euro Area. Using simulations of the estimated model, it is analyzed how these aspects might affect monetary policy of the ECB and macroeconomic fluctuations in the Euro Area.  相似文献   
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