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Mark H. Butler James M. Harper Ryan B. Seedall 《Journal of marital and family therapy》2009,35(1):125-143
A critical and potentially polarizing decision in treating infidelity is whether facilitating partner disclosure or accommodating nondisclosure is most beneficial following private disclosure of infidelity to the therapist. Given couple distress and volatility following disclosure, understandably some therapists judge accommodating an infidelity secret both efficient and compassionate. Employing Western ethics and an attachment/intimacy lens, we consider ethical, pragmatic, and attachment intimacy implications of accommodating infidelity secrets. Issues bearing on the decision to facilitate disclosure or accommodate nondisclosure include (a) relationship ethics and pragmatics; (b) attachment and intimacy consequences; and (c) prospects for healing. We conclude that facilitating voluntary disclosure of infidelity, although difficult and demanding, represents the most ethical action with the best prospects for renewed and vital attachment intimacy. 相似文献
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This commentary agrees with Starkey and Madan (2001) that business schools must incorporate Mode 2 production methods if they are to be significant knowledge producers in the future. We reinforce their specific suggestions about how that might be accomplished by focusing on learning from early Mode 2 attempts, promoting practitioner research, seeking business co-sponsorship and sheltering some Mode 1 practices and values, including longitudinal reflective research and information storage. We also argue, however, that business schools must go beyond such tasks, difficult and expensive though they are. The way business and business schools currently operate, and are being encouraged to operate, does not address the broader issues of human relevance that concern James March (1998) and others. The gap here is a risk for business and society, and appears to require new, Mode 3, methods of knowledge production. 相似文献
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The current research examined contested meanings of nudity by comparing images of nude men and women that appeared in Viva, a 1970s women's magazine founded with the intention of foregrounding male nudity, to corresponding issues of Playboy. A major difference was obtained between male models and Playboy Playmates regarding direction of gaze and nudity. Although gaze aversion is often interpreted as a sign of submission and direct gaze is seen as a dominance cue, men in Viva displayed a high level of gaze aversion and women in Playboy often gazed directly at the camera, especially when their pubic area was exposed. Additional content analysis examined the personality characteristics attributed to male models in Viva and Playmates in Playboy in their biographical sketches. In Viva, men were presented as possessing “bad boy” traits that may have been intended to compensate for the loss of power associated with male nudity. Playmates could be viewed as being naughty (by virtue of posing nude) and nice in the characterization of their personalities. 相似文献
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Social Class,Economic Inequality,and the Convergence of Policy Preferences: Evidence from 24 Modern Democracies
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Using data from the World Values Survey and national‐level indicators for 24 modern democracies, we assess the influence of social class and economic inequality on preferences for government responsibility. We improve on previous research by using multilevel models that account for differences in attitudes both within (i.e., over time) and across countries. Our findings are consistent with the economic self‐interest hypothesis. Specifically, working class individuals, who tend to gain the most from government intervention because of their low and often more precarious economic position, are more likely than others to support government intervention. We also find a positive relationship between national‐level income inequality and support for government intervention. As income inequality rises, its social ills tend to be more pervasive, resulting in public opinion becoming more supportive of governments taking responsibility for their citizens. We further demonstrate that inequality moderates the relationship between social class and attitudes. Although the effect of income inequality is positive for all social classes, attitudes across social classes become more similar as inequality rises. Utilisant les données de World Values Survey et indicateurs de niveau national, nous évaluons l'influence de la classe sociale et l'inégalité économique sur les préférences en matière de responsabilité du gouvernement dans 24 démocraties modernes. Notre analyse se améliore sur la recherche précédente en utilisant des modèles à plusieurs niveaux qui tiennent compte des différences dans les attitudes au sein (ce est à dire, au fil du temps) et entre les pays. Nos résultats sont cohérents avec l'hypothèse d'auto‐ intérêt économique. Par exemple, les travailleurs ‐ qui ont tendance à bénéficier plus quand le gouvernement intervient dans l’économie en raison de leurs faibles revenus et souvent position plus précaire ‐ sont plus susceptibles que d'autres à un soutien responsabilité du gouvernement. Nous constatons également une relation positive entre l'inégalité des revenus au niveau national et le soutien à l'intervention du gouvernement. Comme l'inégalité des revenus se élève—et ses maux sociaux ont tendance à être plus répandue—l'opinion publique devient plus favorable des gouvernements assument la responsabilité de citoyens. Tout aussi important, cependant, nous démontrons également que la relation entre la social classe et les préférences pour la responsabilisation du gouvernement diffèrent par la quantité de l'inégalité des revenus dans un pays. Bien que l'effet de l'inégalité des revenus est positif pour toutes les classes sociales, les différences dans les attitudes de la classes sociale convergent que l'inégalité augmente. 相似文献
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It is universally held among researchers and social critics that a thin ideal dominates current cultural conceptions of what is attractive, especially for women. Using interviews with eighteen women and men, this paper investigates an apparent paradox: how thin people negotiate a landscape where the attention they receive because of their thinness distresses them. Results indicate that thin people are often the target of unwanted comments about their size, comments produce an unpleasant state of self‐consciousness, and the expectation of unwanted social interaction will motivate thin individuals to avoid certain social situations. Results are interpreted in terms of thinness being a hypervisible condition that produces a breakdown of norms regarding civil inattention toward thinness and produces the experience of being othered by social perceivers. 相似文献