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71.
72.
Bonnie H. Erickson 《Revue canadienne de sociologie》1991,28(2):255-278
Bourdieu afflrme que le capital cultural est utile lorsque Ton veut obtenir une situation de classe supérieure, particuliérement dans certains secteurs, et n'est en fait qu'une seule chose: une culture de condition supérieure. Mais son argument, établit pour une France centralisée, est moins valable pour le Canada plus subdivisé. Cet article étudie les idées de Bourdieu sous tous leurs aspects pour un échantillon quota de Torontoniens. Les résultats suggèrent qu'un capital culturel de condition supérieure existe à Toronto, mais qu'il a peu d'effet sur les relations de classe au travail, ou le véritable capital culturel dirige la culture d'entreprise qui domine les entreprises privées. La culture d'entreprise est aussi repartie en classes et pourrait jouer un role dans la reproduction de classes qui est tres similaire a ce que Bourdieu revendique comme culture de condition supérieure.
Bourdieu argues that cultural capital is useful in gaining higher class location, especially in some sectors, and is essentially a single thing: high status culture. But his argument, developed for centralized France, is less suitable for more subdivided Canada. This paper explores Bourdieu's ideas through a quota sample of 40 Torontonians. Results suggest that high status cultural capital does exist in Toronto, but has little part in class relationships at work, where the true cultural capital is command of the business culture which dominates private enterprises. Business culture is also class stratified, and may play a role in class reproduction which is quite similar to that which Bourdieu asserts for high status culture. 相似文献
Bourdieu argues that cultural capital is useful in gaining higher class location, especially in some sectors, and is essentially a single thing: high status culture. But his argument, developed for centralized France, is less suitable for more subdivided Canada. This paper explores Bourdieu's ideas through a quota sample of 40 Torontonians. Results suggest that high status cultural capital does exist in Toronto, but has little part in class relationships at work, where the true cultural capital is command of the business culture which dominates private enterprises. Business culture is also class stratified, and may play a role in class reproduction which is quite similar to that which Bourdieu asserts for high status culture. 相似文献
73.
74.
Russia’s role in ‘animation’ of the Kyoto Protocol was crucial. Its initial vacillation on ratification was predominantly
due to political bargaining with the EU. Domestic economic rationales [i.e. impacts of emission trading and Joint Implementation
(JI) projects] were important to a much lesser extent and environmental motives did not seem to play any role in the decision.
Since the Protocol entered into force, there have been significant delays in complete establishment of policy implementation
frameworks, which are necessary for Russia to start benefiting from JI and emission trading. Only recently, in 2007, have
GHG inventories and a national registry been established and the responsibilities for implementation of the Protocol and JI
among the government departments have been distributed only to a certain extent. Some constraints hindering JI projects, such
as vague legislation, an unfavourable economic climate, lack of commitment to JI projects, corruption, xenophobia, state and
agency ‘capture’ still remain.
相似文献
75.
Laura Bernardi Andreas Klärner Holger von der Lippe 《Revue europeenne de demographie》2008,24(3):287-313
This article contributes to the ongoing debate on the economic determinants of fertility behavior by addressing the role of
job insecurity in couples’ intentions concerning parenthood and its timing. It starts from the hypothesis that cultural values
moderate individuals’ reactions to job insecurity and the way it is related to family formation. With a systematic thematic
content analysis of a set of semi-structured interviews with childless men and women around the age of 30 in eastern and western
Germany, we are able to show that there are substantial differences in the consequences of job insecurity on intentions to
have a first child. In western Germany, a relatively secure job career is expected to precede family formation, and this sequence
of transitions is rather rigid, whereas in eastern Germany job security and family formation are thought of and practiced
as parallel investments. We suggest that the lack of convergence in family formation patterns between eastern and western
Germany after the unification of the country in 1990 is partially related to different attitudes toward job insecurity in
the two contexts. 相似文献
76.
77.
V. Scott H. Solberg Aaron H. Carlstrom Kimberly A. S. Howard Janice E. Jones 《The Career development quarterly》2007,55(4):313-327
Using cluster analysis, 789 predominately Latino and African American high school youth were classified into varying academic at‐risk profiles using self‐reported levels of academic confidence, motivation to attend school, perceived family support, connections with teachers and peers, and exposure to violence. Six clusters emerged, 5 of which were identified as “at‐risk.” The clusters were examined in relation to academic stress, health status, grades, and school retention. Exposure to violence was one distinguishing feature of youth identified as most vulnerable, vulnerable, and resilient; however, youth identified as resilient recorded better academic outcomes. 相似文献
78.
This paper proposes an experimental test to evaluate the performance of the serial cost sharing rule, originally proposed
by Shenker [Sigmetrics, 241–242 (1990)] and then analyzed by Moulin and Shenker [Econometrica 60, 1009–1037 (1992)]. We report
measures of the performance and efficiency of the serial mechanism by comparing the choices and payoffs attained by the subjects
to the expected equilibrium allocations. Experimental evidence shows that learning is needed for the subjects to converge
to the equilibrium strategy. However, in terms of efficiency, the serial mechanism leads to almost efficient allocations. 相似文献
79.
Peltzman [Peltzman, S., 1984. Constituent interest and congressional voting. Journal of Law and Economics 27, 181–210] argues that if constituents’ economic interests have well-defined “winners and losers” and are appropriately measured, then constituents’ economic interests, and not legislator ideology, are the most important determinates of legislator voting. We test Peltzman's theory by examining senatorial voting on three mandated spending limitation bills. We find, consistent with Peltzman's theory, that the ratio of federal spending in a senator's state to federal taxes paid by that state, and not a senator's personal ideology, matters on legislation where there are well-defined economic “winners and losers.” This is particularly important because unlike other constituents’ economic interest measures that only impact a fraction of the constituency, the ratio of federal spending to federal taxes in a state represents the economic interests of all the constituents in a state. 相似文献
80.