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71.
A survey was conducted of approximately 200 Asian Indian Americans and 200 other residents of New Jersey in order to understand the risk management priorities that they want government to have. We found that Asian Indian Americans, especially younger women, focused on personal/family risks, such as alcohol and drug abuse, sexual abuse, and domestic violence. The New Jersey comparison group, in contrast, placed war/terrorism and loss of health care services and insurance at the top of their priorities for government. These results suggest stressful acculturation-related issues within the Asian Indian community. Both populations want more risk management from government than they believe government is currently providing. Respondents who wanted more from government tended to dread the risk, be fearful of the consequences, trust government, and have a feeling of personal efficacy. Within the Asian Indian American sample, wide variations were observed by language spoken at home and religious affiliation. Notably, Muslims and Hindi language speakers tended not to trust government and hence wanted less government involvement. This study supports our call for studies of recent migrant populations and Johnson's for testing ethnic identity and acculturation as factors in risk judgments. 相似文献
72.
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75.
Russia’s role in ‘animation’ of the Kyoto Protocol was crucial. Its initial vacillation on ratification was predominantly
due to political bargaining with the EU. Domestic economic rationales [i.e. impacts of emission trading and Joint Implementation
(JI) projects] were important to a much lesser extent and environmental motives did not seem to play any role in the decision.
Since the Protocol entered into force, there have been significant delays in complete establishment of policy implementation
frameworks, which are necessary for Russia to start benefiting from JI and emission trading. Only recently, in 2007, have
GHG inventories and a national registry been established and the responsibilities for implementation of the Protocol and JI
among the government departments have been distributed only to a certain extent. Some constraints hindering JI projects, such
as vague legislation, an unfavourable economic climate, lack of commitment to JI projects, corruption, xenophobia, state and
agency ‘capture’ still remain.
相似文献
76.
Laura Bernardi Andreas Klärner Holger von der Lippe 《Revue europeenne de demographie》2008,24(3):287-313
This article contributes to the ongoing debate on the economic determinants of fertility behavior by addressing the role of
job insecurity in couples’ intentions concerning parenthood and its timing. It starts from the hypothesis that cultural values
moderate individuals’ reactions to job insecurity and the way it is related to family formation. With a systematic thematic
content analysis of a set of semi-structured interviews with childless men and women around the age of 30 in eastern and western
Germany, we are able to show that there are substantial differences in the consequences of job insecurity on intentions to
have a first child. In western Germany, a relatively secure job career is expected to precede family formation, and this sequence
of transitions is rather rigid, whereas in eastern Germany job security and family formation are thought of and practiced
as parallel investments. We suggest that the lack of convergence in family formation patterns between eastern and western
Germany after the unification of the country in 1990 is partially related to different attitudes toward job insecurity in
the two contexts. 相似文献
77.
78.
This paper proposes an experimental test to evaluate the performance of the serial cost sharing rule, originally proposed
by Shenker [Sigmetrics, 241–242 (1990)] and then analyzed by Moulin and Shenker [Econometrica 60, 1009–1037 (1992)]. We report
measures of the performance and efficiency of the serial mechanism by comparing the choices and payoffs attained by the subjects
to the expected equilibrium allocations. Experimental evidence shows that learning is needed for the subjects to converge
to the equilibrium strategy. However, in terms of efficiency, the serial mechanism leads to almost efficient allocations. 相似文献
79.
Peltzman [Peltzman, S., 1984. Constituent interest and congressional voting. Journal of Law and Economics 27, 181–210] argues that if constituents’ economic interests have well-defined “winners and losers” and are appropriately measured, then constituents’ economic interests, and not legislator ideology, are the most important determinates of legislator voting. We test Peltzman's theory by examining senatorial voting on three mandated spending limitation bills. We find, consistent with Peltzman's theory, that the ratio of federal spending in a senator's state to federal taxes paid by that state, and not a senator's personal ideology, matters on legislation where there are well-defined economic “winners and losers.” This is particularly important because unlike other constituents’ economic interest measures that only impact a fraction of the constituency, the ratio of federal spending to federal taxes in a state represents the economic interests of all the constituents in a state. 相似文献
80.