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81.
Barry Carpenter 《Children & Society》1997,11(3):173-182
Following the growth of early intervention programmes for very young children with special educational needs and their families in the 1960s and 1970s, there came a reflective period during which the efficacy of early intervention was questioned (Marfo and Kysela, 1985). This was followed in the 1990s by a challenge to narrow interpretations of effectiveness in favour of a more holistic analysis of the benefits of intervention programmes for the whole family (Buckley, 1994). It was suggested that more attention should be given to the quality of relationships being established between the child and family members and the context in which early intervention programmes are delivered. Families themselves have begun to assert this (Fitton, 1994; Hebden, 1985) and recent legislation, both in the UK and abroad, has underlined the need for strong interdisciplinary approaches to meet the diversity of special educational needs that exist in our child population. This multidisciplinary approach necessitates a change of focus. It recognises the parent, with their child, as central, implicit and fundamental to the early intervention team, and endorses their right to request appropriate access to services. The model also gives parents the freedom to expand the concept of the family to include extended family and friends (for example, Ballard, 1994). Other parent-empowering initiatives include parent-to-parent schemes (Hornby, 1989 and 1995) which increase the capacity of families to provide resources to other families. The days of professionals as experts have passed. This change in approach to families of children with special educational needs will challenge some professionals and demand a radical reappraisal of the structure of their role and their style of delivery of early intervention, but, if we want quality early intervention, such a review is fundamental to re-establishing its place as a valid and valuable resource to families. 相似文献
82.
Two studies eliciting fairness judgments about hypothetical economic transactions examined whether fairness judgments were influenced by who was being judged. The first study replicated the results of Kahneman et al. (Am. Econom. Rev. 76 (1986a) 728–741; J. Business 59 (1986b) S285–S300) that people judge certain actions by firms as unfair, but it also demonstrated that people judge parallel actions by individuals as fair. The second study suggested that people apply different standards to individuals and firms because of presumed differences between them in wealth, power, and size. When firms were portrayed as no more powerful or wealthy than individuals, differences in fairness judgments were eliminated. Further, respondents were less inclined to judge the behavior of a firm harshly as perpetrator of an unfair act when the firm was identified with an individual than when it was large and anonymous, and they were more inclined to judge the behavior of an individual harshly as perpetrator of an unfair act when the action injured a firm with a clearly identified individual than when the firm was large and anonymous. 相似文献
83.
This article reports on a research investigation into gender and local government in Mumbai in India and London in England. In both these cities female representation at the political level stands at around one third, achieved in London slowly in recent years and in Mumbai more rapidly through the adoption of a quota, or seat reservation system, implemented in 1992. In considering the experience of the women concerned it is argued that their presence and aspirations have been influenced through the networks of their respective women's movements, operating through civil society and the local state. In considering the ways in which they organize and manage the duties of office and their gendered identities, as well as in their focus on the most disadvantaged in their communities and in their dealings with others, the part played by social movements in influencing change is examined. 相似文献
84.
Barry T. Hirsch 《Journal of Labor Research》2004,25(2):233-266
I examine evidence on private sector union wage gaps in the United States. The consensus opinion among labor economists of
an average union premium of roughly 15 percent is called into question. Two forms of measurement error bias downward standard
wage gap estimates. Match bias results from Census earnings imputation procedures that do not include union status as a match
criterion. Downward bias is roughly equal to the proportion of workers with imputed earnings, currently about 30 percent.
Misclassification of union status causes additional attenuation in union gap measures. This bias has worsened as private sector
density has declined, since an increasing proportion of workers designated as union are instead nonunion workers. Corrections
for misclassification and match bias lead to estimated union gaps substantially higher than standard estimates, but with less
of a downward trend since the mid 1980s. Private sector union gaps corrected for these biases are estimated from the CPS for
1973–2001. The uncorrected estimate for 2001 is .13 log points. Correction for match bias increases the gap to .18 log points;
further correction for misclassification bias, based on an assumed 2 percent error rate, increases the gap to .24. Reexamination
of the skill-upgrading hypothesis leads to the conclusion that higher union gap estimates are plausible. The conventional
wisdom of a 15 percent union wage premium warrants reexamination. 相似文献
85.
86.
Barry Sandywell 《Information, Communication & Society》2015,18(12):1408-1412
87.
A training procedure was developed for teaching three year-old children to pass a standard false belief task. A series of 4 video sequences was developed, in each of which a child showed surprise following the unexpected transfer of an object. A group of 23 three year-olds who failed a standard false belief task took part in 8 discussions of the 4 video clips, over a period of two weeks, and were compared with a control group of 23 task-failers who had 8 story reading sessions over the same time period. The training involved (a) interactive recall of the initial events in each sequence, (b) factual questioning about the events and (c) an explanation of the thoughts and actions of the video protagonists. The emphasis was on positive elaboration of children's answers rather than on negative feedback as counter evidence. The training group performed significantly better at an immediate post-test, and at a follow-up test two weeks later, on a similar as well as a generalisation task. Task success was unrelated to vocabulary (BPVS) score, but was significantly related to success of responses during the training. The results indicate learning in the Training group of a discursive format for talking about events useful for describing false beliefs. 相似文献
88.
Joshua L. Rabinowitz Michele A. Wittig Malte von Braun Roman Franke Lysann Zander-Music 《The Journal of social issues》2005,61(3):525-545
In an era during which affirmative action in education is in jeopardy, it is important to understand how the ideologies of high-status ethnic group members maintain (or reduce) social inequality. We examine the extent to which the relationship between egalitarianism and prejudice among European American and Asian American adolescents can be explained by outgroup orientation (i.e., how much one values interacting with members of other ethnic groups) and strength of identification with one's ethnic group. Using structural equation modeling, we tested whether these two variables mediate the relationship between egalitarianism and intergroup prejudice. Results revealed that outgroup orientation was a mediator, but ethnic identity was not. Implications for mutual acculturation theory, prejudice-reduction programs, and affirmative action in education are discussed. 相似文献
89.
Health Policy and the Politics of Evidence 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
National decisions on the drugs, treatments and medical devices that should be funded through public expenditure are a fundamental element of health policy. But despite a political emphasis upon evidence‐based policy, the results of rigorous clinical trials and statistical modelling techniques rarely speak for themselves. So, does the pre‐eminence traditionally accorded to quantitative data in the medical field underpin policy decisions on a consistent basis? Or are more subtle, less transparent characteristics of context and interaction evident in the shaping of attendant decisions? This article considers these questions by drawing on a study of decision‐making in the National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE)—an organization established by the British government in 1999 to decide whether selected health technologies should be made available throughout the National Health Service in England and Wales. In broad terms, the findings point to the primacy of arguments based on quantitatively oriented, experimentally derived data but also to a discursive hegemony of clinicians and health economists in mediating, including or debarring more qualitative, experientially based evidence. A more complex, dynamic understanding of policy governance in the field of health technology appraisal—founded on a discursive appropriation of the idea of the “common good”—goes some way to explaining the persistence of this hegemony despite an avowedly inclusive, plural approach to decision‐making. 相似文献
90.
Elizabeth E. Iida J. Fred Springer† Peter J. Pecora‡ Emmalee S. Bandstra§ Mark C. Edwards¶ Michele M. Basen 《Child & Family Social Work》2005,10(3):217-228
Multidisciplinary intervention approaches are needed for meeting service needs for families in which substance abuse and mental health disorders may be interfering with child‐rearing. Experiences from the Starting Early Starting Smart (SESS) initiative, a 12‐site national collaborative investigation of integrating behavioural health services in early childhood and primary health care service settings for children aged 0–5 years and their families and caregivers, are described. This 4‐year applied research initiative was co‐funded by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration of the US Department of Health and Human Services and Casey Family Programs, a private operating foundation. SESS, which was developed and implemented in 12 geographically and culturally diverse cities in the USA during 1997–2001, encouraged federal, state, and local public/private partnerships. Opportunities and challenges in using an inclusive, consensus‐based, stakeholder model to maximize study relevance and utility for researchers, practitioners, and fiscal sponsors are discussed, and lessons for multidisciplinary, multisite research collaborations are identified. 相似文献