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11.
Economic theory establishes that pension privatization weakens the link between old and young and so reduces the incentive to invest in public education in an economy with lower return rate of capital than growth rate of wage. However, empirical studies of the link change are few. In this paper, we investigate the effects of pension privatization and the central government’s subsidy to individual accounts on public education spending in a three-period overlapping generation model. And then, we take contemporary pension reforms in a number of Chinese provinces as offering natural experiment conditions. Using a difference-in-difference framework and 282 municipal districts panel data over years 1998–2009, we test the pension-education theoretical link change. Both our theoretical and empirical results confirm that pension privatization is adversely associated with local public spending on education in China. Private pension subsidies, moreover, magnify this effect. Our study supports the theoretical assertion and selective empirical findings of a negative intergenerational effect of pension privatization. 相似文献
12.
From the inception of the proportional representation movement it has been an issue whether larger parties are favored at
the expense of smaller parties in one apportionment of seats as compared to another apportionment. A number of methods have
been proposed and are used in countries with a proportional representation system. These apportionment methods exhibit a regularity
of order, as discussed in the present paper, that captures the preferential treatment of larger versus smaller parties. This
order, namely majorization, permits the comparison of seat allocations in two apportionments. For divisor methods, we show
that one method is majorized by another method if and only if their signpost ratios are increasing. This criterion is satisfied
for the divisor methods with power-mean rounding, and for the divisor methods with stationary rounding. Majorization places
the five traditional apportionment methods in the order as they are known to favor larger parties over smaller parties: Adams,
Dean, Hill, Webster, and Jefferson.
Received: 5 August 2000/Accepted: 24 October 2001 相似文献
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Lynn Jamieson Michael Anderson David McCrone Frank Bechhofer Robert Stewart Yaojun Li 《The Sociological review》2002,50(3):356-377
Popular commentators on marriage and the family often interpret the increase in heterosexual couples living together without marrying as reduced willingness to create and honour life‐long partnerships. Survey and in‐depth interviews with samples of 20–29 year olds living in an urban area of Scotland finds little support for the postulated link between growing cohabitation and a weakened sense of commitment to long‐term arrangements. Most of the cohabiting couples strongly stressed their ‘commitment’. Socially acceptable vocabularies of motive undoubtedly influenced answers but interviews helped to explore deeper meanings. Many respondents’ views were consistent with previous research predictions of a weakening sense of any added value of marriage. At the same time, some respondents continued to stress the social significance of the distinction between marriage and cohabitation, consistent with research interpreting cohabitation as a ‘try and see’ strategy part‐way to the perceived full commitment of marriage. The notion that ‘marriage is better for children’ continued to have support among respondents. While, on average, cohabiting couples had lower incomes and poorer employment situations than married couples, only very extreme adverse circumstances were presented as making marriage ‘too risky’. Pregnancy‐provoked cohabitation was not always in this category. Cohabitation was maintained because marriage would ‘make no difference’ or because they ‘had not yet got round to’ marriage. Most respondents were more wary of attempting to schedule or plan in their personal life than in other domains and cohabitees’ attitudes to partnership, including their generally ‘committed’ approach, do not explain the known greater vulnerability of this group to dissolution. 相似文献
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Uta Gerhardt 《The American Sociologist》2002,33(2):5-39
This article places an episode in the history of sociological theory into intellectual history in the twentieth century. The
perspective is chronological as well as contextual. The themes are two theoretical approaches, both embedded in both American
and German history, Parsonian Systems Theory and “Frankfurt School” Critical Theory. The chronology shown spanned mainly from
the 1940s to the 1960s. The context of the two theories is a period that is crucial in twentieth century history. The protagonists
of the two approaches were, in the 1940s, Americans and Germans exiled in the United States. In the 1950s, both approaches
were affected by McCarthyism in different ways. The 1960s, however, were the culmination. The dynamics of the two approaches
led into a schism which came into the open on the occasion of the 1964 German Sociology Conference in Heidelberg celebrating
Max Weber. The article shows the stages in the evolution of the schism, emulating three acts in a drama. The final split was
over whether Weber or Marx should be the classic whose oeuvre was to influence sociological thinking today. My aim is to exemplify
how these two authoritative approaches in sociological theory, far from escaping the vagaries and vicissitudes of their times,
were embedded in twentieth-century history. 相似文献
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In light of use by airline unions of partial-strike tactics, such as concerted refusals to bid for overtime work and so-called
” CHAOS” tactics involving unannounced refusals to fly after passengers have been ticketed and are ready to board, the authors
examine whether the Railway Labor Act (RLA) should be interpreted to permit employers to discipline employees for engaging
in such tactics, or whether these are a protected form of economic pressure. Although in many respects bargaining duties and
economic weapons under the RLA are read consonant with precedents under the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) (which governs
all industries other than rail and air transport), there are a few decisions suggesting that during the period when self-help
may be resorted to, employees can engage in partial strike activities as long as they violate no court order but are subject
to permanent replacement in limited circumstances. These decisions, the authors submit, fail to take account of Supreme Court
decsions since the 1930s that some economic pressures by unions, such as slowdowns and sitins, may not violate the labor laws
but nor are they protected by those laws so as to immunize partial strikers from employer discipline. These decisions are
not based on unique features of the NLRA. Rather, they give recognition to the background assumptions of Congress that employers
may act to protect their property interests as long as they do not run afoul of NLRA or RLA protections and that employees
who engage in partial-strike activities are subject to employer discipline even where not strictly necessary to maintain operations.
Moreover, these tactics skew the bargaining process by giving employees an essentially risk-free gambit to pressure their
economic position through planned disruption of carrier operations.
Professor Estreicher is also labor and employment counsel to O’Melveny & Myers, LLP. The views expressed herein are the authors’
and should not be attributed to any organization. Hannah Breshin and Tom Jerman of O’Melveny & Myers, assisted the authors
with this article. We also thank Professor Herbert Northrup for his helpful comments. 相似文献
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