井陉县法治乡村建设有活力

<正>曾荣获“全国法治建设先进县”荣誉称号、赋于省级“法治乡村”建设试点的河北省石家庄市井陉县,他们围绕党建引领聚合力、村民自治强根基、队伍建设谋长远、筑牢阵地固根本的工作理念,把法律和道德的力量、法治与德治的功能结合起来,既重视发挥法律的规范作用,又重视发挥道德的教化作用,将矛盾和纠纷化解在基层,将和谐稳定创建在基层,为乡村振兴和基层治理提供有力的法治保障。     

香料与世界

Around 1500 , the world experi￣enced an explosion of exploration which greatly transformed the world for the next several hundreds of years. During this time, Christopher Columbus, Vasco da Gama, and other seafaring entrepreneurs sought new routes to India’s Malabar Coast and the Indonesian archipelago. The objective of their ef￣forts was mainly spice specifically pepper, cinna￣mon, nutmeg, clove, and a few others. In the en￣suing years, the Spanish, Portuguese, English, and Dutch would all seek to dominate the spice trade, employing an astonishing amount of blood￣shed and brutality to achieve their aims. They were undermined only by pirates, who would occasional￣ly plunder the spice boats, relieving them of their precious cargo.
The reason behind their desire to seek spice, was not only, and in fact, not even primarily, profits. In an age that poured its commercial ener￣gies into such un - poetical ends such as arms, oil, and mineral ores, the drive to obtain anything quite so quaintly insignificant as spice must strike us today as mystifying indeed. While historians of￣ten point to medieval Europe’s problems with ran￣cid meat, along with the mind -numbing repeti￣tiveness of its diet, as the source of spice’s early popularity, the main reason for desiring spice came down to one simple thing: mystery. Spices were, in a sense, magical if not divine, arriving by un￣known means from the vast blank spaces on the map, spaces populated by dragons, gods, and monsters. From mystery grew mystique. It was a seductive premise.
This article starts by examining the rise of Europe’s economy after the first millennium and the subsequent demand for Eastern luxuries. Ginger, mace, and other exotic ingredients quickly became status symbols among noblemen—not unlike furs or jewels—as well as staples in upper -class kitch￣ens, with nearly every dish deluged by seasonings, to the point where the medieval appetite for spice looked less like a taste than an addiction. It was also believed that ingesting spices was a way to im￣prove one’s health and that they could cure every￣thing from gangrene and paralysis to constipation and lung disease. Then there’s sex. Spice has long been associated with eroticism, including recent examples like the pop-music sex kittens the Spice Girls and the Spice soft-porn cable TV station. In the Middle Ages—when noblemen’s fear of infertil￣ity ran rampant—spices were widely believed to serve as aphrodisiacs. It was these very qualities, that led many medieval Christian leaders to de￣nounce spices—ginger in particular—arguing that their corrupting influence undermined monks’ vows of celibacy, with one mystic even comparing them to the forbidden apple of Eden. Others claimed their overuse could lead to drying out, derange￣ment, and even death. The most puritanical critics saw spice as nothing less than an affront to God, who had already met man’s basic needs by provi￣ding local foods, a gift cooks were now tampering with by introducing foreign flavors. Moreover, spice served as a medieval perfume, with the most spicy, most expensive varieties favored among the social elite. And spice was also used in mummifi￣cation and embalming techniques that continued in future centuries. For instance, the practice dates back to Ramses II, an Egyptian pharaoh who died in 1224 b. c.; an examination of his remains re￣vealed peppercorns stuffed up his large, and crooked nose, a discovery which startled scien￣tists.
Despite efforts by the Dutch to maintain their monopoly over spice plantations and prevent propa￣gation, products like cloves and nutmeg eventually spread to other regions of the world. This was largely due to Spanish and Portuguese smugglers—who reduced them to mere commodities and dimin￣ished their intrigue and notoriety, not to mention their cost. By the mid-1600s, pepper in particu￣lar had long since become available to the Europe￣an masses, prompting the nobility to lose interest. At the same time, crops like tomatoes and chilies, brought back from the New World, were broade￣ning the European diet and creating new options for cooks. A shift to simple, fresh, local ingredi￣ents—to foods that tasted like themselves—was un￣derway, a transformation nowhere as successful as in Italy, where simplicity remains the quintessence of its cuisine. As a result, the heavily spiced meals of the Middle Ages fell from favor. Once the province of aristocracy, spice became just the op￣posite. In the modern world, it tends to be the poor, not the rich, who eat spices.
While the history of spice from a Western point of view remarkably transformed the world, it should be noted that spice also underwent a quite different way of becoming modernized. In the re￣spect, spice in Chinese history constitutes a large part of the world history of spice.
Prior to the 15th century, pepper was regar￣ded as a rarity. In China it was as highly valued for medicinal purposes as ginseng and cassia bark are today. During the Tang dynasty, we find pep￣per mentioned side by side with stalactites, one of the most valuable drugs of the time. This is an in￣dication of how highly valued spice was. From that time onwards, the expression “800 piculs of pep￣per” came to be synonymous with riches and luxu￣ry. In China, the change in the value of pepper from being a precious commodity to one in common use came about as the result of several polices of Ming Emperor, including tribute trade, Zheng He’s voyages, and the scheme of supplying pepper instead of salaries to officials. The advent of direct dealings with the supply sources had a profound effect in China, and the circulation of other foreign commodities generally also increased greatly after these voyages.
From early Ming times, foreign trade, inclu￣ding that in pepper and sapanwood, was an Impe￣rial monopoly, closely guarded to ensure that all the profits went to the Emperor. One inevitable re￣sult of the importation into China of such huge a￣mounts of pepper, however, was that hitherto un￣developed exchange relations improved, though the equilibrium between demand and supply remained unsteady because of obstacles in the way of equita￣ble distribution. A sudden expansion of the selling market could only be expected to cause a dramatic fall in the price of pepper. This occurred much earlier than did the discovery of the direct passage to India by Vasco de Gama.
During the reign of the first Ming Emperor, Hong Wu, pepper and sapanwood were frequently given to subjects as a reward for services rendered, a practice first recorded in 1379 . During 1391 and 1392 , altogether 13 ,800 naval officers and soldiers on active service, and 12,000 soldiers engaged in ship-building were rewarded in this way, the lat￣ter receiving one catty of pepper each. In both ca￣ses these rewards, which were small in scale, were for completing tasks assigned. At the time of the enthronement of the second Emperor, Yong Le (1403), four catties of pepper, the highest pepper reward recorded, in addition to 30 ting of paper money, were given to a minor official for comple￣ting the Imperial seal. Considering the high value of paper money at that time, this showed that pep￣per was still treasured as a scarce commodity, and had not yet fallen into common use.
The effect of Zheng He’s voyages on the distri￣bution of pepper in the Chinese market is reflected by the form payments took in the early part of the Ming dynasty. In the 5th year of Yong Le (1407), following Zheng He’s return from his first voyage, came the first proclamation of an arrangement to supply the soldiers in all military stations in Peking with sapanwood in lieu of winter clothing. It is es￣timated that at least 250 , 000 army servicemen were involved. It was in 1420, after Zheng He’s fifth voyage, that pepper was first announced as a substitute for the clothing due to these same ser￣vicemen. However, the amount was by no means large:one catty and six ounces of sapanwood and four ounces of pepper were paid in lieu of a piece of thin silk material, and one catty of sapanwood and three ounces of pepper were paid instead of a piece of cotton cloth. The same scheme of suppl￣ying sapanwood instead of winter clothing was em￣ployed again the following year, 1421. At the same time it was proclaimed that part of the salary of all civil and military officials in Peking paid in the form of paper money was to be paid in sapan￣wood and pepper instead. Henceforth it was estab￣lished that the salary of officials should be paid partly in sapanwood and pepper, and it was clearly the pepper brought back by Zheng He’s fleet that was being used as substitute currency. Silver, pa￣per money, cloth, sapanwood, and pepper were interchangeable as currency.
Except for a very small amount retained for their own consumption, the officials would have had to sell most of their pepper on the market, which would inevitably accelerate the fall in its market price. By the mid-Ming period, spice that had been exclusively enjoyed by the upper classes, began to be popular among the commoners. The frequency of appearance of spice in dietary books, recipes, and daily life guides increased to an un￣precedented level. Pepper, especially, was broad￣ly used for cooking, pickling fruits, brewing, and making fragrant tea. The widespread application of perfume, as a typical merchandise from maritime trade, led to a profound transformation in people’s conception and style of everyday life.     

基于行业与产业诉求的数字媒体艺术教育研究

作为一个与相关行业、产业密切联系的学科专业,数字媒体艺术专业教育具有着艺术与科技的双重属性。高等数字媒体艺术教育应高度重视该专业教育的行业性特征,积极探讨数字媒体艺术教育与相关行业、产业的互动关系,架构富于成效的专业人才培养模式与教学体系,在提升专业教学水平与质量的同时,为相关行业、产业输出更为合格与优秀的专业人才。     

中国工业产能利用率的测度、比较及动态演化——基于企业层面数据的经验研究

中国工业产能过剩问题仍存争议,其背后原因在于可靠产能利用率数据的缺失以及由此导致的实证研究缺乏。本文基于生产函数理论,进一步扩展成本函数法的产能测度框架,试图解决要素价格水平变化、成本函数形式单一以及内生性问题导致的测度偏差;同时,借鉴生产率分解框架对产能利用率变动来源进行分解。本文利用中国工业企业数据库进行了相关分析,其中需引起重视的结论主要有:(1)并非政府文件认定的典型产能过剩行业产能利用率最低,尚存在89个四位代码行业产能利用率低于这类典型过剩行业,两者的区别主要是政府认定的过剩行业中只有国有企业存在明显过剩;(2)政府文件认定的典型产能过剩行业中,企业进入退出以及产能扩张行为均直接推动了行业产能利用率的增长,这与现有认识相悖,意味着政府长期在这类行业中推行的产能管制政策需要进一步审视。本文的研究有助于厘清过剩行业的相关事实,并为后续实证研究提供数据支撑。     

中国四大经济区区域产业竞争力的类别特征研究

了解各地区区域产业竞争力的类别特征,有助于细化分类指导、制定更有针对性的区域产业竞争力战略。采用所构建的区域产业竞争力指标体系和相关统计数据,对中国四大经济区（包括长三角、珠三角、京津冀、成渝经济区）范围内各行政地区区域产业竞争力进行聚类分析,将各地区划分为三大类型,对区域产业竞争力水平、人均GDP特征、优势产业特征、影响因素相关性等分析总结出相应的类别特征。依据类别特征,最后提出与不同类型地区相适宜的区域产业竞争力提升建议。     

楼兰、鄯善、精绝等的名义──兼说玄奘自于阗东归路线

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探寻中国市场经济的伦理精神

在市场经济发展过程中,参与其中的非经济因素是能够影响经济运转的重要力量,以伦理文化为核心的价值导向是市场经济中非经济因素的经济动力。发达资本主义市场经济的发展过程表明,合理的道德文化所激发的精神动力对市场经济发展至关重要。社会主义市场经济的精神动力是一种既同经济利益相联系,又超越经济利益的事业理想,是一种与民族发展事业同源同质的以利益创造为目的的个体事业追求。     

立秋之后莫贪露

立秋一过,夜间的露水就逐渐增多。露水是空气中的水分在夜间气温下降过程中形成的微小水珠。立秋之后白天与夜间的温差增大,露水自然就增多。 露水对植物和农作物来说是必不可少的,盆景花卉经常放在户外露宿一下,让它们喝点露水后枝叶就     

在现代性话语场地里——现代性与中国文学的对话

王光明:最近几年,我国思想文化界的一个重要话题,是现代性的讨论。这应该说是个老话题,以晚清开始,中国从传统走向现代,这个讨论一直伴随着社会转型的过程,但是９０年代的讨论毕竟和过去讨论有所不同,过去一直重视的是文化的性质或者说文化型构的不同,很少在整个全球化的视野下把它作为一个必须复杂面对的问题来讨论,而９０年代关于现代性的讨论,一个非常有意义的进展就是超越了以往的现代化价值之争,开始把它作为一个问题来探讨。拿刘小枫的话来说:是把它作为一个现代现象的知识学来勘探,建立一种具有观察距离的论述机制。当然,９０年代的…     

试论苏非主义与经堂教育的关系及其流变

中国伊斯兰教经堂教育在近五百年的发展历程中,既保持了伊斯兰文化的元典性和中国气派,也显示了伊斯兰教苏非主义思想的深刻影响,在课程设置、教育目的、道德修养、为人师表等多方面,都深深地打上了伊斯兰教苏非主义的印痕.这一鲜明的历史特征,进一步展现了中国伊斯兰教经堂教育的复杂性和丰富性.