"退出印度"运动原因与进程探析

“退出印度”运动是印度现代民族独立斗争洪流中的最后一次巨大浪潮。第二次世界大战爆发三年以来的英印矛盾的不断积累与激化,是导致“退出印度”运动的根本原因,而1942年8月9日的大逮捕是诱发“退出印度”运动突发的直接原因;“退出印度”运动经历了初期、中期和晚期三个阶段,每个阶段呈现出不同的特点;“退出印度”运动的爆发方式是自发的,其进程是有计划的,动机是非暴力的,结果则是暴力的。     

还作文教学一个“真”字

当前,小学生习作中普遍存在着说假话、说空话、说套话,那么,如何才能还作文教学一个"真"字呢?笔者认为:第一,倡导"我手写我口,我手写我心,我手抒我情",让学生写自己所想写的,从而激发学生写作的欲望;第二,"作文教学应贴近学生生活实际,让学生易于动笔,乐于表达",捕捉学生情感契机,让学生有感而发,写出的情就"真"实感人;第三,倡导学生抒自己的情,写出个性化的独特感受.真实是文章的生命,"有真意,去粉饰,少做作,勿卖弄",只有这样,才能还作文教学一个"真"字,才能让文章有血有肉,富有生命活力…….     

运动对脑源性神经营养因子影响的研究进展

脑源性神经营养因子是神经营养素家族中重要的神经生长因子,对维持脑神经元的正常生理机能有重要的作用.随着其生物学功能认识的不断深入,人们逐渐认识到运动刺激对脑源性神经营养因子在神经元中表达有影响,最新研究发现这一过程中还伴随对脑基因表达和神经元再生的影响.该文就近年来国内外运动对脑源性神经营养因子的研究进展进行综述.     

我国高校对外融资的财务风险及解决对策

随着高校对外融资还款高峰期的到来,我国很多高校财务步履维艰,学校财务面临着前所未有的困境,并已逐渐影响到学校的正常运转。对高校如何做到既能够快速发展,又能够在快速发展中规避和减少财务融资风险进行了探讨。     

产教融合型高水平中职核电专业建设的新探索

在经济新常态下,全球产业链发生结构性变化,促进了新时期人才培育供给侧与产业需求侧结构要素相互融合,这也是职业院校服务地方经济的必答题。本文在此分享三门县职业中等专业学校核电专业构建产教深融“四链合一”模式,探索校企共建高水平中职专业的具体做法,与同行交流。     

质量管理视角下技工院校兼职教师来源渠道策略的探讨

笔者通过对技工院校兼职教师队伍建设现状和存在问题的分析,认为企业兼职教师来源渠道不畅的根源在于企业的内驱动力缺失,并从质量管理的视角提出解决问题之道,运用质量管理原则之"关系管理"原则和"以顾客为关注焦点"原则探讨企业内驱动力的形成,确保企业兼职教师能满足技工院校的教学需求。     

香料与世界

Around 1500 , the world experi￣enced an explosion of exploration which greatly transformed the world for the next several hundreds of years. During this time, Christopher Columbus, Vasco da Gama, and other seafaring entrepreneurs sought new routes to India’s Malabar Coast and the Indonesian archipelago. The objective of their ef￣forts was mainly spice specifically pepper, cinna￣mon, nutmeg, clove, and a few others. In the en￣suing years, the Spanish, Portuguese, English, and Dutch would all seek to dominate the spice trade, employing an astonishing amount of blood￣shed and brutality to achieve their aims. They were undermined only by pirates, who would occasional￣ly plunder the spice boats, relieving them of their precious cargo.
The reason behind their desire to seek spice, was not only, and in fact, not even primarily, profits. In an age that poured its commercial ener￣gies into such un - poetical ends such as arms, oil, and mineral ores, the drive to obtain anything quite so quaintly insignificant as spice must strike us today as mystifying indeed. While historians of￣ten point to medieval Europe’s problems with ran￣cid meat, along with the mind -numbing repeti￣tiveness of its diet, as the source of spice’s early popularity, the main reason for desiring spice came down to one simple thing: mystery. Spices were, in a sense, magical if not divine, arriving by un￣known means from the vast blank spaces on the map, spaces populated by dragons, gods, and monsters. From mystery grew mystique. It was a seductive premise.
This article starts by examining the rise of Europe’s economy after the first millennium and the subsequent demand for Eastern luxuries. Ginger, mace, and other exotic ingredients quickly became status symbols among noblemen—not unlike furs or jewels—as well as staples in upper -class kitch￣ens, with nearly every dish deluged by seasonings, to the point where the medieval appetite for spice looked less like a taste than an addiction. It was also believed that ingesting spices was a way to im￣prove one’s health and that they could cure every￣thing from gangrene and paralysis to constipation and lung disease. Then there’s sex. Spice has long been associated with eroticism, including recent examples like the pop-music sex kittens the Spice Girls and the Spice soft-porn cable TV station. In the Middle Ages—when noblemen’s fear of infertil￣ity ran rampant—spices were widely believed to serve as aphrodisiacs. It was these very qualities, that led many medieval Christian leaders to de￣nounce spices—ginger in particular—arguing that their corrupting influence undermined monks’ vows of celibacy, with one mystic even comparing them to the forbidden apple of Eden. Others claimed their overuse could lead to drying out, derange￣ment, and even death. The most puritanical critics saw spice as nothing less than an affront to God, who had already met man’s basic needs by provi￣ding local foods, a gift cooks were now tampering with by introducing foreign flavors. Moreover, spice served as a medieval perfume, with the most spicy, most expensive varieties favored among the social elite. And spice was also used in mummifi￣cation and embalming techniques that continued in future centuries. For instance, the practice dates back to Ramses II, an Egyptian pharaoh who died in 1224 b. c.; an examination of his remains re￣vealed peppercorns stuffed up his large, and crooked nose, a discovery which startled scien￣tists.
Despite efforts by the Dutch to maintain their monopoly over spice plantations and prevent propa￣gation, products like cloves and nutmeg eventually spread to other regions of the world. This was largely due to Spanish and Portuguese smugglers—who reduced them to mere commodities and dimin￣ished their intrigue and notoriety, not to mention their cost. By the mid-1600s, pepper in particu￣lar had long since become available to the Europe￣an masses, prompting the nobility to lose interest. At the same time, crops like tomatoes and chilies, brought back from the New World, were broade￣ning the European diet and creating new options for cooks. A shift to simple, fresh, local ingredi￣ents—to foods that tasted like themselves—was un￣derway, a transformation nowhere as successful as in Italy, where simplicity remains the quintessence of its cuisine. As a result, the heavily spiced meals of the Middle Ages fell from favor. Once the province of aristocracy, spice became just the op￣posite. In the modern world, it tends to be the poor, not the rich, who eat spices.
While the history of spice from a Western point of view remarkably transformed the world, it should be noted that spice also underwent a quite different way of becoming modernized. In the re￣spect, spice in Chinese history constitutes a large part of the world history of spice.
Prior to the 15th century, pepper was regar￣ded as a rarity. In China it was as highly valued for medicinal purposes as ginseng and cassia bark are today. During the Tang dynasty, we find pep￣per mentioned side by side with stalactites, one of the most valuable drugs of the time. This is an in￣dication of how highly valued spice was. From that time onwards, the expression “800 piculs of pep￣per” came to be synonymous with riches and luxu￣ry. In China, the change in the value of pepper from being a precious commodity to one in common use came about as the result of several polices of Ming Emperor, including tribute trade, Zheng He’s voyages, and the scheme of supplying pepper instead of salaries to officials. The advent of direct dealings with the supply sources had a profound effect in China, and the circulation of other foreign commodities generally also increased greatly after these voyages.
From early Ming times, foreign trade, inclu￣ding that in pepper and sapanwood, was an Impe￣rial monopoly, closely guarded to ensure that all the profits went to the Emperor. One inevitable re￣sult of the importation into China of such huge a￣mounts of pepper, however, was that hitherto un￣developed exchange relations improved, though the equilibrium between demand and supply remained unsteady because of obstacles in the way of equita￣ble distribution. A sudden expansion of the selling market could only be expected to cause a dramatic fall in the price of pepper. This occurred much earlier than did the discovery of the direct passage to India by Vasco de Gama.
During the reign of the first Ming Emperor, Hong Wu, pepper and sapanwood were frequently given to subjects as a reward for services rendered, a practice first recorded in 1379 . During 1391 and 1392 , altogether 13 ,800 naval officers and soldiers on active service, and 12,000 soldiers engaged in ship-building were rewarded in this way, the lat￣ter receiving one catty of pepper each. In both ca￣ses these rewards, which were small in scale, were for completing tasks assigned. At the time of the enthronement of the second Emperor, Yong Le (1403), four catties of pepper, the highest pepper reward recorded, in addition to 30 ting of paper money, were given to a minor official for comple￣ting the Imperial seal. Considering the high value of paper money at that time, this showed that pep￣per was still treasured as a scarce commodity, and had not yet fallen into common use.
The effect of Zheng He’s voyages on the distri￣bution of pepper in the Chinese market is reflected by the form payments took in the early part of the Ming dynasty. In the 5th year of Yong Le (1407), following Zheng He’s return from his first voyage, came the first proclamation of an arrangement to supply the soldiers in all military stations in Peking with sapanwood in lieu of winter clothing. It is es￣timated that at least 250 , 000 army servicemen were involved. It was in 1420, after Zheng He’s fifth voyage, that pepper was first announced as a substitute for the clothing due to these same ser￣vicemen. However, the amount was by no means large:one catty and six ounces of sapanwood and four ounces of pepper were paid in lieu of a piece of thin silk material, and one catty of sapanwood and three ounces of pepper were paid instead of a piece of cotton cloth. The same scheme of suppl￣ying sapanwood instead of winter clothing was em￣ployed again the following year, 1421. At the same time it was proclaimed that part of the salary of all civil and military officials in Peking paid in the form of paper money was to be paid in sapan￣wood and pepper instead. Henceforth it was estab￣lished that the salary of officials should be paid partly in sapanwood and pepper, and it was clearly the pepper brought back by Zheng He’s fleet that was being used as substitute currency. Silver, pa￣per money, cloth, sapanwood, and pepper were interchangeable as currency.
Except for a very small amount retained for their own consumption, the officials would have had to sell most of their pepper on the market, which would inevitably accelerate the fall in its market price. By the mid-Ming period, spice that had been exclusively enjoyed by the upper classes, began to be popular among the commoners. The frequency of appearance of spice in dietary books, recipes, and daily life guides increased to an un￣precedented level. Pepper, especially, was broad￣ly used for cooking, pickling fruits, brewing, and making fragrant tea. The widespread application of perfume, as a typical merchandise from maritime trade, led to a profound transformation in people’s conception and style of everyday life.     

试论苏非主义与经堂教育的关系及其流变

中国伊斯兰教经堂教育在近五百年的发展历程中,既保持了伊斯兰文化的元典性和中国气派,也显示了伊斯兰教苏非主义思想的深刻影响,在课程设置、教育目的、道德修养、为人师表等多方面,都深深地打上了伊斯兰教苏非主义的印痕.这一鲜明的历史特征,进一步展现了中国伊斯兰教经堂教育的复杂性和丰富性.     

意识形态网络舆情应对机制研究

加强意识形态网络舆情治理机制建设,是提升治理能力、有效应对意识形态网络舆情严峻态势的需要,也是塑造清朗网络空间、切实保障社会和谐稳定的需要,是各级党政机关面临的重要任务。当前,在意识形态网络舆情治理过程中,还存在舆情监测、预警、引导机制不完善,舆情预案演练机制不健全等问题。因此,需要加大建设力度,从监测预警、引导处置、预案演练等方面入手,构建立体化舆情应对长效机制,以提高意识形态网络舆情监控引导力,保障政治安全与社会稳定。