手机传播机制与受众文化心理

手机传播充分进入了人们的日常生活,传播人人同时参与的事实基本实现。手机媒体文化传播显现出普适性、放射性的传播机制,人际传播动能极强,手机媒体传播机制具有“碎片化”传播的随机性与多样化特点．手机的使用最大限度地缓解了现代人的．心理危机,满足了人们多样化交流的欲望。从手机文化传播受众需求来看,使用与满足正是人们使用手机媒体、构筑手机文化的心理动机。     

西柏坡精神的基本内涵及其社会效应

在西柏坡时期,中国共产党人逐渐孕育了以“两个务必”、“两个敢于”、“两个坚持”、“两个善于”为基本内涵的西柏坡精神。西柏坡精神与井冈山精神、长征精神、延安精神既一脉相承、紧密联系,又独具特色。多角度、全方位、科学地探析新时期西柏坡精神的基本内涵及其重大意义．以期能对加强新时期党的科学化建设有所裨益。     

以规范求发展 以发展求规范——新时期高校学生社团的发展探析

党的十七届四中全会明确提出"坚持以执政能力建设和先进性建设为主线,保证党始终走在时代前列"。加强高校党建工作是事关高等教育改革与发展兴衰成败的大事,对于高等学校党组织的先进性建设,这也是社会主义大学的本质所决定的。在当前世情、国情、党情发生重大变化,尤其是当今国际金融危机、国际互联网等给高校党组织先进性建设带来深刻影响的形势下,高校党组织必须通过不断加强党员干部队伍的政德建设、优化选用干部人才的环境氛围、创新大党建的管理机制等措施,建立健全先进性建设的长效机制。     

服务企业绩效差异源泉的理论与实证分析

"服务企业绩效差异的主要源泉是来自行业效应还是企业效应?",通过对2002-2009年中国服务业上市公司的研究,利用方差分析法衡量了行业、企业、年份的主效应以及年份与行业的交互效应对服务企业绩效差异的影响程度。结果显示:(1)服务业有较强的成长能力,可能会有一轮新的资本规模扩张形势;(2)企业效应对服务业上市公司盈利能力起着决定性影响,服务企业要获得可持续超常盈利能力的根本途径,是运用其独特的、无法被模仿的资源来创造可持续的竞争优势,而非多元化进入更有获利能力的产业,更不可能依赖于宏观经济环境的变动;(3)与盈利能力不同,年份效应对服务业上市公司成长能力的影响仅次于企业效应,这种差异性深刻地揭示出投资者的非理性和资本市场亟待完善。     

远海岛礁冷链物流体系优化模型及其集成算法

为研究远海岛礁渔获冷链物流的运行方案,本文选择了岛礁冷库储存中转和海上直接收购等两种不同的渔获运输方式,同时考虑了中转冷库选址、中转运输和直接收购船舶配备、航线配置、在渔场停留时间和渔获运输损耗等诸多复杂问题,构建了远海冷链物流体系组合优化模型。求解时,提出了一种以遗传算法（GA）为外部框架,以改进的模拟植物生长算法（PGSA）为内部模块,通过信息传递实现内外连接交互的集成算法。最后,以我国南海远海岛礁及渔场为实例进行分析,取得了较好效果。通过与传统遗传算法对比,本文优化结果、稳定性及计算速度等均有明显提高,从而证明了本文所建模型与算法的合理性和有效性。     

社会学民族志的力量:重返早期社会研究的田野工作

自20世纪70年代以来,社会学民族志在田野工作和叙事复兴中与传统人文学汇聚,显著扩展了自己的学科边界。但是,这种扩展并没有解决社会学民族志在深度的经验发生和强烈的理论诉求之间遭遇的紧张。对于这种紧张,本文主张再访早期社会研究的田野,即19世纪末期到一战之前的若干典型研究,从中反思早期社会学田野工作是如何在“直接经验”的倾向中完成类型化,以及如何在这个经验感获得的同时改变对社会世界的道德想象。早期社会学的田野工作的力量之一不在于以规范的诉求压制经验感,而是以独特的情感结构连接经验的观察和道德理想的重生。由此,我们不仅需要反思诸如社会调查到社区研究这样的简单思路,更要重新理解理论史上所谓的“进步主义式”的道德本身。这一工作对重新认识早期社会研究和今天的社会学民族志都具有意义上的准备。     

康定锅庄文化遗产价值新阐释

The understanding of the traditional research of Kangding Guozhuo mainly covers four aspects:1 ) It is widely believed in the academic world that the Guozhuang ( meaning singing and dancing in a circle ) of Kangding was a unique product which combined politics, economics and culture together. 2) It was a specific business form based on the family unit, fulfilling multiple func￣tions such as an inn, a shed, a commodity inter￣mediary, an administrative office, a commodity transformation point, and a banking establishment. And it was also a place for cultural exchange be￣tween the Tibetans and the Han . 3 ) The formation of Guozhuang culture establishes a new element in the culture of the Tibetan-Yi corridor. 4 ) Zheng Shaoxiong mentions that the Guozhuangzhu ( the Guozhuang host ) had played an intermediary role in assisting the Tibetan businessmen to sell or pur￣chase goods - this helped to maintain the trade relations between the Han and Tibetans ( or their communication) . This kind of ingenious institu￣tional arrangement was a historical practice in keeping the balance of the relationship between different cultural communities, such as the Qing court, Tusi ( native officials ) and the Guozhuang host of Kangding. It reflects the wisdom in ethnic interactions, and can be borrowed in present ethnic regional autonomous system.
The above mentioned understanding is a result of study from the perspective of history, ethnology or economics. Although Zheng Shaoxiong’s re￣search was born from the old mindset, and pro￣posed the new value of Guozhuang cultural mecha￣nism, there is still a lack of research on this cul￣ture from such comprehensive perspectives as ur￣ban history, cultural anthropology, and economic anthropology. Thus it cannot fully reveal the fea￣ture and value of Kangding Guozhuang, a complex cultural phenomenon.
Based on existing data, past research, and fieldwork on the oral history of Kangding Guozhuang conducted in August 2013 , this article gives some new interpretations to the features of Guozhuang culture from an interdisciplinary per￣spective as follows:
1 ) The forever “48 Guozhuang” are a Kang￣ding urban memory, which displays the common cultural psychology of regarding Kangding as an important trade city of the Han and Tibetans; and Guozhuang carries a folk cultural memory of more than 200 years. After the gaitu guiliu policy ( re￣placement of native officials with centrally appoint￣ed officials) in the late Qing period, the number of newly appeared Guozhuang even reached 60 to 70 .“Although each of them had its own courtyard, and people also called them Guozhuang, they were still quite different from the 48 Guozhuang in the minds of the Kangding people”. This not only in￣dicates that the 48 Guozhuang within the orthodox system were deeply rooted in the hearts of the local people, but also reflects that Guozhuang were re￣garded as the most proper carrier for the communi￣cation between the Han and Tibetan during the late Qing period, otherwise so many Guozhuang court￣yards would not have appeared in history.
2 ) From the name to its architectural form, or function, a Guozhuang was influenced by the Han culture, however, it still had strong Tibetan char￣acteristics. Actually it could be regarded as a min￣iature of local culture of Kangding. Every Guozhuang had its own Tibetan name and Chinese name. The architectural style of the Guozhuang was actually different from traditional multiple -level blockhouse. There was always a courrtyard, and it was larger than that of Han. The vast court￣yard was not only a space for the Tibetan business￣man to cook food and boil tea, but also a space for organizing their entertainment activities, such as singing and dancing in a circle. You Tai, a minis￣ter of the Qing dynasty in Tibetan areas, recorded a grand dancing party organized by the local Tusi to welcome his arrival, which reflected the significant position of the Guozhuang in cultural activities. The upper-class of the Kham area, including Tusi and the Guozhuang host, tried to build a close re￣lationship with both Tibetan and Han in all means, including the title, kinship relation or customs, and successfully built up a central zone on which both sides can be understood. It was just due to the special geographical location and cultural tradi￣tion that made the reconstruction of a cross cultural buffer zone possible.
3 ) The managers of the Guozhuang were mainly the hostesses ( Ajia Kaba in Tibetan lan￣guage) , and this also reflected a kind of feminism in Kham culture. The tradition of the Dong nv guo ( East Kingdom of Women ) enabled the women to run their business in and out of the family. When the tea trade started, the Guozhuang host had to spend much of their energy on providing service to the Tusi, so the Guozhuang hostess took the re￣sponsibility of managing the business of the Guozhuang. Ajia normally controlled the initiative of negotiation in the Han-Tibetan trade, and they played the role of interpreters in the negotiation. There were many live -in son -in -laws in the family of the Guozhuang and this kind of marriage was even more popular in the period from the late Qing dynasty to the Republican era.
If we conduct an analysis of the value of Kangding Guozhuang from multiple dimensions, we would notice that the existence of the non-market interpersonal model in this institution, on some certain degree, had solved the problem of the lack of social cohesion resulting from marketization. From this angle, the value of Guozhuang culture in the improvement of the economic institutions of the market cannot be ignored.
This fieldwork also reflects the significant and comprehensive influence of the Guozhuang cultural heritage of Kangding. When viewed from this an￣gle, its value is incredible. According to the data collected from the fieldwork, all the people, inclu￣ding officials, scholars, businessman and ordinary people, are aware that the Guozhuang is a cultural heritage which has a high and comprehensive val￣ue. If the relevant government bodies could in￣clude it into the scope of heritage protection, and build it into a cultural space of intangible cultural heritage, it will have a much higher heritage val￣ue , and play an important role both in the econom￣ic development and construction of harmonious eth￣nic relationships.
The Kangding Guozhuang also played a role in the deconstruction of the Han - Tibetan social structure - this kind of value can not only be in￣troduced to the present world and influence the fu￣ture world, but also can be seen as a hub which connects the “ancient” and “modern” Han -Ti￣betan relations. Traditionally, there was a structur￣al rule in the communications between the Han and Tibetan, namely that “the Han and Tibetans are somewhat separated from each other ”, however, the Guozhuang model in Kangding deconstructed this Han-Tibetan rule. This was closely related to elements such as social composition, ways of life, marriage, family, kinship, and religious customs. The disappearance of Guozhuang also has its own causes, for instance, the absence of inheritors and failure in operation of this system. However, this article proposes that it is mainly influenced by the social reforms in the historical process. Hence, that is the reason why modern enterprises which re￣tain certain connotations of the Guozhuang could re-appear in the Kang area. In the survey, we no￣tice that some enterprises have already made efforts in this regard. In summary, Kangding Guozhuang had creatively formed a security institution with a more humanized nature, and played an important role in the alleviation of social tensions in ethnic areas. Contemporary society, composed as it is of people with multi-ethnic backgrounds, still needs this kind of “deconstruction”.     

民族文学国际传播中的文化传递——以《尘埃落定》英译本为例

中国民族文学作品的国际传播必须注意文化的传递,这对于塑造中华民族形象、突破他人话语体系、提升文化影响力具有重要意义。但由于文化空缺的存在,中国民族文化向外译介面临诸多难点。葛浩文夫妇翻译的阿来小说《尘埃落定》是将民族文化向国际传播的优秀成果,分析其在民族文化传递方面的得失和方法对于提高我国民族文学翻译质量和传播民族文化具有重要的借鉴意义。通过英汉文本比较发现,葛氏夫妇的译本综合采用了音译、直译、意译、形象借用等多种翻译手法,尽量保留了原作的文化意境,但也存在误译现象,扭曲或丢失了一些文化意象。总的来说,译本忠实地再现了川西高原土司制度瓦解时期的社会文化韵味,有效地传递了中国民族文化。     

从民族志到工商民族志

民族志以参与观察、深入访谈为主体研究方法,强调在自然状态下观察人类行为,分析人类行为与其所处社会环境及文化体系的关系.将民族志的研究方法应用于工商世界便成为工商民族志,而在市场营销中应用民族志的方法,将能够大大地提升企业的业绩,是一种极其有效的增强营销绩效的方法.讨论定性研究方法的价值及理论贡献,重点讨论民族志在工商世界的应用性问题,讨论民族志研究在企业文化或组织行为、消费者行为、民族、地区、国际性差异的应用及意义.     

网络舆情管理与股票流动性

投资者因认知资源的限制无法充分接收上市公司发布的信息,现实中往往依赖媒体等第三方市场信息中介获取信息,在网络技术大发展的今日,上市公司会采取主动策略来管理媒体渠道和公司舆情,以期保持良好的公司信息环境。 利用深交所等4家监管机构对深市上市公司网络舆情管理现状的调查数据,通过聚类和主成分分析构建企业网络舆情管理强度指标,研究上市公司主动管理网络舆情对其股票流动性的影响。 研究结果表明,高强度的网络舆情管理有助于提升股票流动性,这一结果在信息环境较差、“可见度”低的公司样本中更明显;当公司出现坏消息或面临负面媒体舆论情绪时,积极的网络舆情管理更有助于改善股票流动性。同时,网络舆情管理提升了股价特质性波动、降低了股价同步性,为主动管理媒体缓解信息不对称、增加股价公司特质信息含量提供了额外证据。 公司进行网络舆情管理能降低投资者信息收集成本和偏差、缓解信息不对称,从而产生与信息披露类似的资本市场效应。研究结果为媒体关注研究提供了新视角,为市场监管者建立以信息披露为中心的监管体系以及上市公司媒体和流动性管理实践提供实证参考。