Measuring facial movement

A procedure has been developed for measuring visibly different facial movements. The Facial Action Code was derived from an analysis of the anatomical basis of facial movement. The method can be used to describe any facial movement (observed in photographs, motion picture film or videotape) in terms of anatomically based action units. The development of the method is explained, contrasting it to other methods of measuring facial behavior. An example of how facial behavior is measured is provided, and ideas about research applications are discussed.The research reported here was supported by a grant from NIMH, MH 167845. The authors are grateful to Wade Seaford, Dickinson College, for encouraging us to build our measurement system on the basis of specific muscular action. He convinced us that it would allow more precision, and that learning the anatomy would not be an overwhelming obstacle. Neither he nor we realized, however, how detailed and elaborate this undertaking would be. Seaford (1976) recently advanced some of the arguments we have made here about the value of an anatomically based measurement system. We are grateful also to those who first learned FAC and gave us many helpful suggestions as to how to improve the manual. We thank Linda Camras, Joe Hager, Harriet Oster, and Maureen O'Sullivan also for their comments on this report.     

Education's Effects on Psychological Well-Being

Data from the 1973–1978 General Social Surveys were usedto estimate, by means of multiple regression analysis, the effectsof years of school completed on eight dimensions of psychologicalwell-being for white men, white women, black men, and blackwomen. Estimates are provided of total effects, effects netof socioeconomic variables, and effects net of socioeconomicvariables, family situation, and frequency of attendance ofreligious services. There is little evidence for negative effects,the only statistically significant negative coefficient beingthat for satisfaction with community among white men. Thereis some evidence that education has positive effects on psychologicalwell-being in all subpopulalions except black men, the strongestevidence being for white women. Dummy variable regression estimatesof the effects of different increments of education indicategreater effects from four years of high school than from fouryears of college. There is tentative evidence that mothers'education may have an important positive effect on their offspring'spsychological well-being. . The data reported here are from the 1973–1978 GeneralSocial Surveys conducted by the National Opinion Research Center(James A. Davis, principal investigator) with funds from theNational Science Foundation. The authors are solely responsiblefor the analyses and interpretations presented here. The dataset was obtained from the Roper Center at the University ofConnecticut. We are indebted to the management of the San AntonioCollege Computer Center for providing computer time for thisproject.     

Structure and change in causes of death: An international summary

Abstract Model patterns of the cause structure of mortality at different levels were established for males and females, based on data for 165 national populations. These patterns suggest that the cause of death most responsible for mortality variation is influenza/bronchitis, followed by 'other infectious and parasitic diseases', respiratory tuberculosis, and diarrhoeal disease. Together, these causes typically account for about 60 per cent of the change in level of mortality from all causes combined. Their respective contributions have not depended in an important way on the initial level of mortality. These results - especially tbe importance of the respiratory and diarrhoeal diseases - imply that past accounts may have over-emphasized the role in mortality decline of specific and well-defined infectious diseases and their corresponding methods of control. There is strong statistical support for the suggestion that most of the remainder of mortality variation should be ascribed to changes in cardio-vascular diseases, but that methods of cause-of-death assignment in high-mortality populations have often obscured the importance of these diseases. When death rates from 'other and unknown' causes are held constant, changes in cardio-vascular disease account for about one-quarter of the decline in mortality from 'all causes'.Although the causal factors are poorly established, corroborative results have been demonstrated cross-sectionally in the United States. The composition of the group of populations most deviant from the structural norms is apparently dominated by differentials in the mode of assigning deaths to cardio-vascular disease. However, when broad groups of regions or periods are distinguished, more subtle differences emerge. Controlling mortality level for all causes combined, diarrhoeal diseases are significantly higher in non-Western populations and southern/eastern Europe than in overseas Europe or northern/western Europe. These differences are probably related to standards of nutrition and personal hygiene, but may also reflect climatic factors. Much higher cardio-vascular mortality in overseas European populations than in non-Western populations at similar overall levels probably reflects variation in habits of life. Regional differences in death rates from violence, maternal mortality, respiratory tuberculosis and influenza/pneumonia/bronchitis are briefly noted and commented upon. Cause-of-death structures at a particular level of mortality display some important changes over time. Respiratory tuberculosis and 'other infectious and parasitic diseases' have tended to contribute less and less to a certain level of mortality. They have in part been 'replaced' by diarrhoeal disease, specifically in non-Western populations. These developments reflect an accelerating rate of medical and public health progress against the specific infectious diseases, and a disappointing rate of progress against diarrhoeal disease. Western and non-western populations have shared to approximately the same extent in the accelerating progress against infectious diseases, and developments during the post-war period are more appropriately viewed as an extension of prior trends rather than as radical departures therefrom. For males, cardio-vascular disease and cancer have significantly increased their contribution to a particular level of mortality, while no such tendency is apparent for females. These developments may be related to changes in personal behaviour and in environmental influences whose differential impact on the sexes has been demonstrated in epidemiological studies. Although we have avoided an explicit treatment of age by having recourse at the outset to standardization, certain of the results are apparently reflected in studies of age patterns of mortality. The joint occurrence in non-Western populations and Southern/Eastern populations of exceptionally high death rates from diarrhoeal disease may explain why the 'South' age-pattern, with it high death rates between ages one and five, is often the most accurate referent for use in Latin America and Asia. The fact that the list of populations with the least deviation cause structure is almost exclusively confined to members of the 'West' group of Coale and Demeny may account for the lack of persistent deviation in this group's age patterns. Finally, tbe increasing importance of cardio-vascular disease and neoplasms in cause-of-death structures for males but not females is probably associated with the changing age patterns of male mortality noted by Coale and Demeny.     

Validity Of Reported Date of Birth, Salary, and Seniority

This study reveals wide variations in actual vs. reported dateof birth, salary, and seniority. It suggests that invalidityis a specialized phenomenon, and that the direction and magnitudeof inaccurate responses are structurally related to characteristicsof the respondents.     

The Origins of Divergent Methodological Stances in Symbolic Interactionism*

Utilizing replies from a selected sample of contributors to the literature of symbolic interactionism, this paper examines the nature and extent of institutional ties among respondents holding similar views as to appropriate methodology in sociology. The specific institutional ties examined are those as: (1) fellow graduate students, (2) teachers and students, and (3) departmental colleagues. The methodological differences between the Chicago and Iowa schools, described in other studies, manifest themselves in the present sample, as do other views not neatly classifiable within either of these schools of symbolic interactionism. The more unconventional the conception of methodology held by a respondent, the more likely is the respondent to have been a fellow graduate student, a departmental colleague, and/or involved in a teacher-student relationship with other symbolic interactionists favoring the same conception. Respondents preferring the more orthodox methodological stances in modern sociology are less likely to have shared in such institutional ties.