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371.
Angela McRobbie 《Cultural Studies》2013,27(4):516-531
This article proposes a recent acceleration in the nature and pace of work and employment in the UK culture industries. Multi-skilling and de-specialization are a result of growth, change and competition in the arts and media sector. Creative work increasingly follows the neo-liberal model, governed by the values of entrepreneurialism, individualization and reliance on commercial sponsorship. One consequence for the relatively youthful workforce is the decline of workplace democracy and its replacement by ‘network sociality’, which in turn is influenced by the lingering impact of dance and club culture. Independent work finds itself squeezed, compromised or brokered by the venture capitalists of culture as government encourages the ‘freedom’ allowed by this kind of labour. 相似文献
372.
Alyson Byrne Angela M. Dionisi Julian Barling Amy Akers Jennifer Robertson Rebecca Lys Jeffrey Wylie Kathryne Dupré 《The Leadership Quarterly》2014,25(2):344-357
While much is understood about the outcomes of different leadership styles, less is known about the antecedents of leadership, particularly with regards to how leaders' own psychological well-being impacts leadership behaviors. Using conservation of resources theory as a framework, we investigated the relationship between leaders' depleted resources and their leadership behaviors. Conceptualizing depressive symptoms, anxiety, and workplace alcohol consumption as resource depletion, we predicted that depletion would be associated with lower levels of transformational leadership, and higher levels of abusive supervision, and when taken together, would further exacerbate these effects on leadership behaviors. In a study of 172 leader–subordinate pairs, leaders' depressive symptoms, anxiety, and workplace alcohol consumption separately predicted lower transformational leadership, and higher abusive supervision. Furthermore, partial support was found for an exacerbating effect on transformational leadership and abusive supervision. 相似文献
373.
Preschoolers' theory of mind (ToM) was examined in relation to emotional features of their conflicts with siblings, using mothers as privileged informants. Fifty-four children aged 3 to 5 years and their 54 mothers took part. Children were given 10 standard false belief tasks and a standardized language test. Mothers completed questionnaires, rated vignettes, and kept a conflict diary to provide detailed data on siblings' conflicts, mothers' conflict attitudes, and mothers' use of mental state language to talk about children's disputes. Results revealed that children's ToM scores were significantly correlated with affective dimensions of their sibling disputes, including more frequent expression of positive emotion while disagreeing and less post-conflict distress. Logistic regression showed these associations were independent of age and verbal ability. Mothers' conflict attitudes were significantly correlated with the affective outcome of their children's disputes but not with the preschooler's level of ToM understanding. Findings are discussed in relation to possible reciprocal influences between ToM development and the growth of affectively positive and constructive conflict resolution skills. 相似文献
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Thomas J. Johnson Barbara K. Kaye Angela M. Lee 《Atlantic journal of communication》2017,25(3):181-196
Despite fears that selective exposure and selective avoidance could deepen polarization and negatively affect the democratic process, few studies have directly studied this phenomenon. This study explores whether selective exposure and avoidance to blogs, social network sites, and Twitter directly influence confidence in Congress and the president or more indirectly through polarization. This study suggests that fears of selective exposure, selective avoidance, and polarization infecting the democratic process appear overstated. First, polarization was positively related to confidence in Congress and the president. Second, selective exposure to social media sites strengthens confidence in the president and in Congress. Twitter boosts confidence in Congress. Third, selective avoidance had a negative influence on other measures, which suggests people seek both information that challenges their views as well as ones that supports them. Finally, selective exposure and avoidance proved weak indicators of polarization. Instead, strength of partisanship is the stronger predictor of confidence in Congress and the president. 相似文献
377.
Angela S. García 《International migration (Geneva, Switzerland)》2017,55(1):175-188
Immigration and citizenship laws that discriminate by race, ethnicity, and national origins are increasingly illegitimate in contemporary democracies, yet laws that grant privileged access and membership to immigrants who share natives' ethnicity persist. This enduring positive selection rests upon the assumption that co‐ethnicity fosters integration. Countering this logic, this article centers on co‐ethnics' insertion into local labour markets. It draws from a case study of Aguaviva, Spain, a depopulating village in which both co‐ethnic Argentines and Romanian immigrants reside. The analysis qualifies the trend of deracialization in immigration and citizenship policy and shows that positive preferences do not uniformly foster integration. In dual labour market systems, co‐ethnics struggle because they are not different enough for secondary sector jobs reserved for immigrant “others,” yet in the primary sector they enter into direct competition with natives. 相似文献
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This paper aims at constructing a modern theoretical conception of a harmonious society and testing it in relation to governance and citizenship rights, based on an empirical study of Chinese people’s perceptions in Hong Kong. It is proposed that a harmonious society can be defined as “a society in which the component parts are integrative and cooperative; even if there is conflict, it can be resolved within the established mechanisms and does not interrupt the orderly functioning of society.” This study investigates the social, economic, and political aspects and their related institutions in the renewed conception of harmonious society. Overall, less than two‐fifths of the respondents felt that Hong Kong was a harmonious society. The strength of governance in Hong Kong is its sound and trustworthy institutions; the weaker elements are social and interpersonal relations. This finding is in contrast to the traditional notion, which regards social harmony as harmonious social and interpersonal relationships. It is clear that the greatest challenge for the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government is the need to rebalance the interests of big business and those of labor and the lower class in order to enhance the perception of a harmonious society among its citizens. 相似文献