Fuzzy prior information and minimax estimation in the linear regression model

We consider the linear regression modely=Xβ+u with prior information on the unknown parameter vector β. The additional information on β is given by a fuzzy set. Using the mean squared error criterion we derive linear estimators that optimally combine the data with the fuzzy prior information. Our approach generalizes the classical minimax procedure firstly proposed by Kuks and Olman.     

Suicidal behavior among members of Gamblers Anonymous

A national sample of 500 members of Gamblers Anonymous was surveyed by mail in order to gather information on suicidal history. One hundred sixty two usable surveys were returned representing 32.4% of the original sample. Compulsive gamblers who had a history of suicidal preoccupation began gambling at an earlier age than nonsuicidal gamblers and were more likely to have stolen to support their gambling. They also tended to have addicted relatives and children more than nonsuicidal gamblers did. The data suggest that those gamblers who had been suicidal tend to be more serious gamblers than nonsuicidal respondents.     

Class Position,Class Ideology and Class Voting: Mobilization of Support for the New Democratic Party in the Canadian Election of 1984*

La recherche canadienne sur le vote des classes a surtout fait ressortir l'importance des forces structurelles qui contribuent à faire naître l'appui au Nouveau Parti démocratique (NPD) en insistant moins sur l'idéologie des classes. Le présent article contient un modèle LISREL faisant état des relations entre les positions des classes, leur idéologic et le vote en faveur du NPD selon la base de données provenant de l'étude des élections nationales du Canada de 1984. Les observations soulignent l'importance que revêtent, en tant que sources des suffrages des classes, trois dimensions de l'idéologie des classes qui repré-sentent en partie le résultat de la position de ces dernières. L'idéologie égalitaire et l'appui au maintien des syndicate forts ont des effete directs et prononcés sur le vote en faveur du NPD alors que l'identifi-cation à une classe exerce un effet indirect par le biais de deux autres variables. Même si la position objective des classes agit indépendam-ment sur les suffrages accordés au NPD, ses répercussions semblent limitées comparativement à celles que produisent les trois variables liées à l'étude. En modélisant les effete de la position et de l'idéologie des classes, les auteurs ont employé trois variables non encore utili-sées dans les analyses précédentes des suffrages des classes, soit l'appui des père et mère au NPD, la présence d'un syndiqué (autre que le répondant) dans le ménage et l'appartenance à une «classe nouvelle». Chacune de ces variables a un effet majeur sur le soutien donné au NPD. Quant aux répercussions attribuables à la région, elles semblent assez limitées une fois que l'on a tenu compte du vote des père et mère en faveur du NPD et de l'appui accordéà ce dernier à l'occasion des élections de 1980. Canadian research on class voting has primarily emphasized structural forces that produce support for the NDP, with less attention to class ideology. This paper presents a LISREL model of relationships among class position, class ideology, and voting for the NDP, based on data from the Canadian National Election Study of 1984. The findings point to the importance of three dimensions of class ideology, produced in part by class position, as sources of class voting. Egalitarian ideology and support for union strength have strong direct effects on NDP voting, and class identification exerts an indirect effect through the other two variables. Although objective class position has an independent effect on NDP voting, its impact appears to be modest in relation to that of the three attitudinal variables. In modelling the effects of class position and ideology, three variables not used in previous Canadian analyses of class voting have been employed: parental support for the NDP, presence of a union member (other than the respondent) in the household, and membership in a “New Class.” Each has a solid effect on NDP support. The effects of region appear as quite modest, after controlling for parental support for the NDP and for NDP support in the 1980 election.     

Skill deficiencies: Problems,policies, and prospects

What evidence points to a shortage of skills, a condition that keeps the U.S. economy off its “optimum” path? First, the literacy of job seekers, as surveyed by the Educational Testing Service, is inconsistent with acceptable alternative growth paths as projected inWorkforce 2000. Second, data on specific jobs show skill requirements increasing. Third, employers are paying more for higher education and workers with less education are being paid less. Integrating school and work, by applying the findings of the Secretary’s Commission on Achieving Necessary Skills (SCANS), is a way to lessen the shortage, an opportunity likely to be favored by the new administration.