Using QSR‐NVivo to facilitate the development of a grounded theory project: an account of a worked example

This paper demonstrates how the software package QSR‐NVivo can be used to faciitate a grounded theory approach. Recent research evidence has questioned the methodological quality of many studies that claim to utilise grounded theory. This paper argues that qualitative data analysis software can be used to encourage good quality grounded theory research by facilitating many of the key processes and characteristics associated with this approach. To achieve this, the paper identifies a number of grounded theory characteristics, common to all revisions of the methodology. It then describes the development of a recent study, which examined how people successfully maintain long‐term physical activity behaviour change. The purpose of this is to demonstrate how different functions of QSR‐NVivo may be used in conjunction with the key grounded theory characteristics. In summary, QSR‐NVivo is a powerful tool that, if used appropriately, can facilitate many aspects of the grounded theory process from the design and early sampling procedures, through to the analysis of data, theoretical development and presentation of findings.     

The Gambling Environment and Gambler Behaviour: Evidence from Richmond-Tweed,Australia

As opportunities to gamble proliferated rapidly during the 1990s, accessibility to gambling facilities has been cited as a factor driving increased gambling consumption. However, research examining this relationship is limited. Most assessments have tended to be at a broad regional rather than a local level. Furthermore, explanations for why greater access encourages increased gambling activity have been inadequate. Using the framework of time-geography, this paper outlines new empirical evidence to assist in clarifying relationships between the accessibility to and consumption of gambling. Data on gambling behaviour were obtained from 1,018 persons in seven residential centres of the Richmond-Tweed region of NSW, Australia and compared to local provision of gambling facilities. In this study, availability of gambling opportunities—measured here by electronic gaming machines (EGMs) per capita—is often reflected in differences in gambling activity by the local population. It is concluded that accessibility to EGM facilities at a particularly local level is an important factor driving their use.     

Self-stigma coping and treatment-seeking in problem gambling

Stigma has been explored as a cause of reduced and delayed treatment-seeking for problem gambling, a population in which only 1 in 10 seek treatment. The present study examined the effect of perceived public stigma and self-stigma on affect and behavioural coping efforts. Path analysis was used to examine self-stigma in 155 individuals with gambling problems. The majority of participants met criteria for a gambling disorder (93.5%), were current gamblers (69%) and had never sought treatment (54.2%). The data fit the proposed path model well; self-stigma was associated with reduced self-esteem and increased shame. Shame predicted use of secrecy and withdrawal coping. Endorsement of negative stereotypes of ‘problem gamblers’ was associated with decreased treatment-seeking while greater self-stigma predicted increased treatment-seeking. Additional predictors of increased treatment-seeking included greater gambling problem severity, more positive attitudes towards treatment, male sex and higher income. Self-stigma increased rather than decreased treatment-seeking in this analysis. Efforts to increase treatment-seeking could target women, those with lower income and those with less severe gambling problems.     

Political Opportunity and Nested Institutions

Scholars use the concept of 'political opportunity structure' to explain how the political context affects the differential development and influence of ostensibly similar movements. Although the concept promises to become an important analytical tool for comparative studies, to date it is underspecified and undertheorized. It also faces new challenges in this era of increased transnational activism and more extensive scholarly recognition of activist ties across borders. In this paper I argue that assessing opportunity by looking exclusively at national political structures neglects the important role that international factors, such as alliances and transnational movements, play in constraining both states and their challengers. I begin by reviewing the literature on opportunity and drawing a synthesis between it and the literature on domestic influences of international politics. I argue that political institutions are nested in a larger international context, and that the tightness or looseness of that nesting affects the range of possible alliances and policy options available within states. I examine this framework by looking at New Zealand's decision in 1984 to prohibit port visits by nuclear-powered ships or ships that might be carrying nuclear weapons. I conclude by calling for more research that recognizes the interplay of national opportunities and international structures.     

Between organization and spontaneity of protests: the 2010–2011 Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings

ABSTRACT

This paper investigates the role of social groups in mobilizing resources for protests in repressive contexts. In particular, it examines the impact of organizations and informal groups on individual engagement in the protests developed in 2010 in Tunisia and in 2011 in Egypt. The empirical analysis draws on the following data sources: the second wave of the Arab Barometer (2010–2011), two focus groups in Egypt conducted between 2011 and 2015 with members of trade unions and of Popular Committees who had participated in the 2011 protests in Egypt, eight semi-structured interviews conducted in 2017 to workers in Tunisia who had engaged in the 2010–2011 protests, and interviews conducted in January and February 2011 to 100 women in Tunisia within a study tackling police violence against women during the Tunisian uprisings.

Findings show that both in Egypt and Tunisia protests were neither spontaneous nor fully organized as formal organizations and informal and spontaneous groups strictly interconnected in sustaining protests. In Egypt, established Islamic charity networks provided the structural basis for Popular Committees to engage in the 2011 protests and the initially spontaneous workers’ groups, institutionalized through the legalization of EFITU, were crucial for national wide protests occurred throughout 2011. In Tunisia, the major trade union UGTT was essential for mobilizing workers in the initial stages of protests but was backed by informal and spontaneous groups of workers during the process of protest diffusion.

Results remark that the 2010–2011 Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings were therefore well-grounded on intermediate mobilizing structures capable to survive in the interstices of an authoritarian context. Findings suggest to consider that, in repressive context, spontaneous groups and more established and formal organizations continuously switch from one form to another, overlap, and transform themselves faster than they would do in democratic contexts.