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1.
BIAS IN LIST-ASSISTED TELEPHONE SAMPLES 总被引:4,自引:1,他引:3
BRICK J. MICHAEL; WAKSBERG JOSEPH; KULP DALE; STARER AMY 《Public opinion quarterly》1995,59(2):218-235
A number of researchers have suggested list-assisted samplingfor the selection of telephone households to overcome some ofthe operational difficulties associated with the Mitofsky-Waksbergmethods of random digit dialing (RDD). An advantage of a list-assistedmethod of RDD is that an equal probability systematic sampleof telephone numbers can be selected and the variances of estimatesfrom such a sample are usually lower than from a clustered designlike the Mitofsky-Waksberg method. The main disadvantage ofthe list-assisted method is that it excludes some householdsfrom the sample, thus creating a coverage bias in the estimates.This article describes research on the coverage bias for a particularmethod of list-assisted sampling. The two key determinants ofcoverage bias are the proportion of households that are noteligible for the sample and the differences in the characteristicsof the covered and not covered populations. The results showthat about 4 percent of all households are excluded in nationalsamples using this method of sampling. Furthermore, they showthat the differences between the covered and uncovered populationsare generally not large. The coverage bias resulting from theseconditions may often be small. 相似文献
2.
Summary Referrals from general practitioners to a social services departmentover a period of six months were analyzed with a view to assessingthe quality of communication. It was found that the referrals,predominantly related to ill health and practical problems,frequently lacked important background information, and manywere considered to be innacurate or inadequate. A high proportionof allocated referrals led to no contact, and there were significantdifferences between the various social services workers in thenature and extent of contacts made. General practitioners rarelycontacted the social services department during intervention.Social workers were the most consistent in involving G.P.s incase management, and the doctors, when contacted, were rarelyunhelpful, and frequently helpful. A wide variety of alternativeactions were discussed when contact was made, and there wasgenerally a high degree of agreement. Contact with G.P.s consideredto have a positive view of social services was more extensivethan with other G.P.s, and positive G.P.s were generally consideredmost helpful. 相似文献
3.
MICHAEL FORES 《Journal of historical sociology》1992,5(2):209-233
Abstract It has been proposed, and accepted, commonly, often as part of a whiggish tale of humanity breaking the shackles of the past, that an Early Modern Europe paved the way, with its Scientific Revolution, for an 'industrial condition' to come. Yet interpretations of that 'revolution' have involved making some suspect general conclusions about a new, standard 'rationality' of conduct and a new norm suitable for constructed science. Furthermore, commonly-accepted generalizations about the advent and spread of Industrial Revolution are not well supported by the available evidence, especially where the case has been linked to an indistinct 'science.' 相似文献
4.
PONZA MICHAEL; DUNCAN GREG J.; CORCORAN MARY; GROSKIND FRED 《Public opinion quarterly》1988,52(4):441-466
Data from the 1973 and 1986 General Social Surveys are usedto test the hypothesis that elderly individuals favor publicspending patterns that support their own interests and not thoseof children. Support for educational spending and welfare bythe elderly is found to be less than within other age groups.Age patterns of support for Social Security spending are mixed.Responses to a series of "vignettes" depicting low-income familieswith young children and elderly women living alone showed thatelderly respondents are slightly more supportive than averageof transfers to low-income families with children and less supportivethan average of transfers to low-income members of their owncohort. Elderly respondents appear more generous once theirmore frugal notions of what it takes to "get along" are takeninto account. Support for transfers to young families is moreclosely related to income than age and is not consistent withthe hypothesis that the elderly support programs that benefitthemselves at the expense of programs that benefit the young. 相似文献
5.
BELIEVABILITY AND THE PRESS 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
This study looks at believability ratings assigned to 39 newsorganizations and news personalities by a nationally representativesample of 2,104 adult men and women. The data provide threemajor findings about the believability of the American press,all of which, at least in part, tend to be at odds with muchof the conventional wisdom and some of the contemporary researchdealing with the credibility of the news media. First, the overwhelmingmajority of the general public believes most of what it hears,sees, or reads in the nation's press. Second, perceived "believability"of the news media is not closely related to those politicaland demographic variables that typically divide public opinionin America. Third, the public does "group" the news media interms of "believability," but the groupings do not equate withthe dichotomy usually drawn between television and print journalism. 相似文献
6.
A scattering of recent research has studied the current politicalbeliefs and attitudes of individuals identified as "1960s activists."In contrast to much of the treatment accorded such people inthe popular media, this research tends to find most of theseactivists currently liberal on a wide variety of political topics.However, in the absence of panel data, most of this researchhas had to assess any change in the activists' attitudes eitherby assuming the activists' past positions or by trusting totheir retrospective reports. In this paper we report on panel data from a large group ofwhite activists, mostly students, who spent the summer of 1965organizing voter registration drives in Southern black communities.In some specific areas on which the activists tended to holdrather extreme positions in 1965, they may have moderated by1984. However, their overall pattern of response on a wide varietyof issues is basically stable over this twenty-year period. 相似文献
7.
TRAUGOTT MICHAEL W.; GROVES ROBERT M.; LEPKOWSKI JAMES M. 《Public opinion quarterly》1987,51(4):522-539
This article reports on the results of a series of experimentsdesigned to improve response rates for telephone surveys. Inthree surveys telephone households were selected using bothstandard random digit dialing (RDD) techniques and lists oftelephone numbers purchased from a commercial firm. In the RDDportions of the samples "cold contact" interviewing methodswere used; in the list frame portions advance letters were mailed,and the listed household name was used in the introduction.Experiments were designed to test the effects on response ratesof the advance letters and use of the listed household nameas a means of establishing rapport. The advance letters increasedresponse rates, but no difference could be attributed to theuse of names. The mixture of RDD and list sampling techniquesis also used to evaluate the effects of relative response rateson substantive findings. The cost consequences of these dualframe designs are assessed along a number of dimensions, andthe cost and error components of these designs are discussed. 相似文献
8.
The Consequences of Validated and Self-Reported Voting Measures 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
This paper reports on the results of validation of the self-reportedregistration status and voting behavior of respondents in the1976 and 1978 American National Election Studies. The resultsindicate about one in seven of the respondents misreported theirregistration status or voting behavior. Comparative analysesare conducted using simple regression models to see if differencesin their explanatory power arise using validated and self-reporteddependent variables. The results show that there are no majorchanges in the fundamental nature of basic relationships thathave been observed since the first surveys were conducted. Analysisof the effects of overreported participation on estimates ofthe partisan division of the vote in three sets of subnationalcontests reveals a likely "bandwagan" effect. . Portions of the data utilized in this article were made availableby the Inter-university Consortium for Political and SocialResearch. The data for the 1976 and 1978 American National ElectionStudies were originally collected by the Center for PoliticalStudies of the Institute for Social Research. The Universityof Michigan, under a grant from the National Science Foundation.Neither the original collectors of the data nor the Consortiumbear any responsibility for the analyses or interpretationspresented here. The comments of an anonymous reviewer, whichresulted in a fruitful extension of the analysis, are gratefullyacknowledged. 相似文献
9.
Migration scholars often assume a close association between transnational social practices and transcultural forms of belonging. Nonetheless, we argue that the distinction of both concepts is analytically important and helpful in understanding the transnational lives of second‐generation migrants. To analyse the biographical accounts and network maps of second‐generation Spaniards living in Switzerland, we draw a theoretical distinction between social practice (transnational networks) and forms of belonging (transcultural belonging). Our analysis shows second‐generation migrants maintaining social networks over time, interrupting them, or reconnecting with them. Their sense of belonging may either endure or fade. Although the interconnection between social networks and the sense of belonging is neither straightforward nor causal, we can nevertheless identify five types of network/belonging combinations. These types describe the various ways in which second‐generation migrants are likely to articulate transnational networks and transcultural belonging in their lives. 相似文献
10.
MICHAEL ORNSTEIN 《Revue canadienne de sociologie》1986,23(2):182-209
Cet article expose les résultats d'une étude nationale faite en 1977 et portant sur les personnes occupant des postes exécutifs dans les plus grosses corporations canadiennes et les compagnies de grosseur moyenne ainsi que sur les politiciens et fonctionnaires des échelons supérieurs fédéraux, provinciaux et municipaux et sur les chefs de syndicats ouvriers. Le personnel de direction dont il est question, a pris des positions considérable plus à droite que l'élite de l'Etat et encore plus à droite des syndicate en ce qui a trait aux politiques de bien-être social, aux relations industrielles, à l'intervention du gouvernement dans l'économie, à l'investissement à l'étranger et aux taxes d'affaires. Quoiqu'on ait trouvé des différences idéologiques systématiques entre les personnes clef des corporations moyennes et majeures, entre les corporations d'industries différentes et les cor porations à contrôle canadien et étranger, il ressort que les différences idéologiques au sein de la classe capitaliste sont considérablement moins étendues qu'entre le personnel dirigeant des corporations et l'élite de l'Etat. Ces découvertes prêtent peu de support au capitalisme monopoliste et à d'autres théories qui suggèrent qu'il existe des divisions idéologiques majeures au sein des classes capitalistes. This paper presents the results of a 1977 national survey of the executives of the largest Canadian corporations, executives of medium size companies, top level federal, provincial and municipal politicians and civil servants, and trade union leaders. On questions about social welfare policy, labour relations, government intervention in the economy, foreign investment, and taxation business executives took positions considerably to the right of the state elites and far to the right of the trade unionists. While, there were some systematic ideological differences between the executives of large and medium size corporations, of corporations in different industries and of Canadian and foreign-controlled corporations, the ideological differences within the capitalist class were considerably smaller than the differences between the corporate executives and state elites. These findings lend little support to monopoly capitalist and other theories which suggest that there are major ideological divisions within national capitalist classes. 相似文献