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241.
ABSTRACT

Advocacy has received less attention in social work research than other aspects of social work practice. This paper draws attention to two tensions in social work advocacy; between worker-led advocacy and person-led advocacy, and between individual advocacy and system level advocacy. We argue that human-rights-based social workers must choose a person-led approach over a worker-led approach while advocating with both systems and individuals. This argument is made by drawing on findings of an evaluation of Independent Mental Health Advocacy (IMHA) in Victoria, Australia. It is shown that social work training had not prepared social workers for rights-based, person-led advocacy and that social workers in public mental health services were struggling to maintain the rights of people in their services even with assistance from IMHA.

IMPLICATIONS
  • Independent Mental Health Advocacy (IMHA) is a model of advocacy influenced by social work theory and delivered in part by social-work-trained advocates.

  • Social work training is not preparing social workers for person-led, human-rights-based advocacy.

  • Public mental health social workers are struggling to maintain the rights of people in mental health services even with the support of external advocacy services.

  相似文献   
242.
ABSTRACT

Localization has largely been assessed, by both its supporters and critics, with its local-global sociocultural dynamics. The local sociocultural dynamics of localization have either been ignored or simplistically understood as a preference for the local’ or local empowerment’. This study argues that localization’s local dynamics can be very complex and can yield negative social implications. There are likely multiple subgroups of local consumers, who localize in different ways and degrees due to their different resources, interests, and power positions. These differences likely generate emergent patterns of social contestations, stratification, and inequality. I empirically substantiate this argument by analyzing how Hong Kong’s rave-based clubculture was undermined by wealth and power disparities as it localized in the late 1990s and early 2000s. This study’s major methods include observant participation in dance clubs and rave parties in Hong Kong and informal and formal interviews of consumers and producers of clubculture.  相似文献   
243.
This paper examines the ways in which social movements based among leading capitalists have remade the US political economy. In the first part we examine the period from the late 1880s through the 1920s, sketching the emergence of a hegemonic movement that accomplished the re-embedding of capitalist social relations during the corporate reconstruction of American capitalism. In the second, we examine the disembedding of capitalist relations during the contemporary neoliberal era. The paper makes three major arguments. First, capitalists not just subaltern groups resort to collective action outside of institutional channels of authority and power. Second, during organic crises the movements of capitalists will join with movements of subaltern groups to create hegemonic projects, whose disparate supporters are articulated by discourses. Third, the concept of ‘social movement’ itself should be understood as a constituent part of a larger social formation and not sealed off from features of capitalism and the state. Indeed, hegemonic social movements have reconstructed the larger landscape that social movement theory normally takes for granted as a background. In applying this approach to the contested topic of neoliberalism, we argue that it was not primarily a class-based coup, a policy, ideology, or culture shift but a discourse that united elements of the left and the right as well as a ‘historic bloc’ with homes in both major parties. During both periods subaltern groups played an important role in the hegemonic movements that created corporate capitalism and later neoliberalism.  相似文献   
244.
International actors, state and non-state, have embraced transparency as a solution to all manner of political problems. Theoretical analyses of these processes present transparency in a fetishtic manner, in which the social relations that generate transparency are misrecognized as the product of information itself. This paper will outline the theoretical problems that arise when transparency promotion is fetishized in International Relations theory. Examining the fetishism of transparency, we will note the problematic conceptions of politics, the public sphere, and rationality they generate. Confusing the relationship between data, information and knowledge, fetishized treatments of transparency obscure the historical dynamics responsible for the emergence of transparency as a political practice. This alters our understanding of the relationship between global governance institutions, their constituents, and the nature of knowledge production itself. Realizing the normative promise of transparency requires a reorientation of theory towards sociologically and historically sensitive approaches to the politics of knowledge.  相似文献   
245.
This study examines how student perceptions of teacher practices contribute to female high school students’ math beliefs and achievement. Guided by the expectancy–value framework, we hypothesized that students’ motivation beliefs and achievement outcomes in mathematics are fostered by teachers’ emphasis on the relevance of mathematics and constrained by gender‐based differential treatment. To examine these questions, structural equation modeling was applied to a longitudinal panel of 518 female students from the Maryland Adolescent Development in Context Study. While controlling for prior achievement and race, gendered differential treatment was negatively associated with math beliefs and achievement, whereas relevant math instruction was positively associated with these outcomes. These findings suggest inroads that may foster positive math motivational beliefs and achievement among young women.  相似文献   
246.
Informed by the Pathways Model, the current study utilized latent class analysis (LCA) to empirically derive subtypes of gamblers based on measures of impulsivity, anxiety, depression, drug use and alcohol dependence. The sample in this study (N = 566) was comprised of young adult gamblers (18–22 years of age) who participated in the Manitoba Longitudinal Survey of Young Adults (MLSYA). Multinomial regression was utilized to examine how demographic variables and participant scores on the Problem Gambling Severity Index (PGSI) predicted membership in gambler classes from the LCA. Results of the LCA revealed three classes of gamblers: emotionally vulnerable, non-problem and impulsive. Multinomial regression showed that older age (i.e. 20–22 years of age), lower income (< $20,000 per year), living independently and PGSI scores were associated with increased odds of being classified as an impulsive gambler. Identifying as European, living independently and PGSI scores were associated with increased odds of being grouped in the emotionally vulnerable class of gambler. These results suggest that young adult gamblers are not a homogeneous group but instead are best understood as falling into different subtypes based on shared characteristics outlined in the Pathways Model.  相似文献   
247.
Objective . Changes in labor force participation and returns may have lessened divorce's traditionally severe economic consequences for women. Method . We use recent data from the National Survey of Families and Households (NSFH) to analyze the economic well-being of women whose marriages ended between the first and second waves of data collection. Results . Comparing pre- and postmarital median per capita income shows that marital disruption now has much more modest economic consequences for women than in years gone by. A multivariate analysis suggests that their higher postdivorce incomes can be primarily attributed to labor force participation and human capital. Conclusions . These findings suggest better life chances for divorcèes and their children.  相似文献   
248.
This paper reports formative qualitative findings from the Open Door Project (ODP), a unique program created by the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) Aging Project. Data were collected from Open Door Task Force members (N = 34). This includes 4 focus groups that were held with a total of 22 participants; and key informant interviews that were conducted with 12 participants from 10 different agencies. Findings revealed that agencies took significant steps to make important and long-lasting structural changes, including changing their diversity and personnel policies, and intake forms to be LGBT inclusive; implementing ongoing staff training initiatives on LGBT issues; and actively involving leadership, including senior managers, executive directors, vendors, and Councils on Aging, in helping to create and sustain organizational change. The ODP is an effective model to increase cultural competence in working with aging LGBT communities.  相似文献   
249.
Contemporary levels of international migration in less-developed countries are raising new and important questions regarding the consequences of immigration for human welfare and well-being. However, there is little systematic cross-national evidence of how international migration affects human development levels in migrant-receiving countries in the less-developed world. This paper addresses this gap in the literature by assessing the impact of cumulative international migration flows on the human development index, a composite measure of aggregate well-being. A series of panel models are estimated using a sample of less-developed countries for the period, 1970–2005. The results indicate that higher levels of international migration are associated with lower scores on the human development index, net of controls, but that the effect of international migration is relatively small.  相似文献   
250.
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