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281.
Levels of rising political distrust in the USA and parts of Europe attracted political scientists’ attention in the 1990s,
and urged them to look at possible consequences of this phenomenon for the functioning of democracies and social life. Approximately
during the same period, from a sociological viewpoint, social capital theorists started studying the effects of declining
social capital on political and economic life. In this article, we looked at the relationship between political distrust and
social capital from an interdisciplinary perspective. We studied the relationship in six European countries from three regions
(North-West, South and East), and the USA, and we were interested in the question of whether this relationship varies over
the regions, or whether it is approximately the same everywhere. We used ISPP data from the 2004 wave, which included a range
of social capital indicators and political distrust items. Social capital was subdivided into four dimensions, namely, networks
(membership of organizations), interpersonal or social trust, social norms (citizenship norms), and linking social capital
(political activities). First we studied the effect of political distrust on these four dimensions of social capital, while
controlling for other variables such as political efficacy, political interest and a set of socio-structural background variables.
One of our main findings was that the only significant effect of political distrust we found throughout all countries was
a negative effect on one dimension of social capital, namely, interpersonal trust: the more people distrust politicians and
people in government, the less they trust other people in general, even when controlled for all other variables. The reverse
relationship led us to the same conclusion: the more people tend to trust people in general, the less they distrust politics,
a result we found in all countries. This finding refutes the claim that there is no or either only a very weak relationship
between political and social trust, as some have strongly argued before. Other important political attitudes connected to
social capital were political interest and political efficacy, and for political distrust it was external efficacy. Significant
socio-economic factors were religiousness and educational level for membership of voluntary organizations, educational level
for interpersonal trust, religiousness for citizenship norms, and educational level and age for political activities. The
reciprocal relationship was strongest in the USA and North-Western Europe, as were the explained variances of our (more extensive)
regression models. In Southern and Eastern Europe other factors appear to be at work which influence both social capital and
political distrust. 相似文献
282.
Clinical social work supervision is not immune to enactments of racial and social injustice, prejudice, power and privilege rampant in our social environment and institutions. These dynamics are active in all social interactions. Most often felt on impact, these remain underground and unevenly experienced—though predominantly by people representing intersecting marginalized identities. Such real enactments can be misunderstood or avoided in social work supervision. Negative consequences not only impede learning for the supervisee and supervisor, and affect clinical understanding of client care they also perpetuate injustice based on power and social locations. Social work supervision provides space for critical analysis to identify and alter dynamics of power, privilege, and social oppression. The critical conversations (CC) model provides a framework to illuminate and examine power dynamics in order to produce change with parallel insight and action—supervisee, supervisor, and client care. Supervisee and supervisor gain capacity to engage in reflection, examine personal and professional values, hold tension and tolerate ambiguity, use one self critically, articulate ideas and insights thoughtfully and effectively, as well as inform clinical understanding of clients. The need for critical dialogue in social work supervision regarding dynamics of sameness, differences, intersectional identities, power and privilege is emphasized. Theoretical grounding is offered to elucidate how complex structural forces of oppression and privilege, cultural patterns and narratives are internalized. A definition of CC, its theoretical underpinnings and the CC model are presented with a case scenario to illuminate the application of the CC model in clinical supervision. 相似文献
283.
Liam Foster 《Sociology Compass》2012,6(11):883-896
The future sustainability of pensions has gained considerable international attention over recent years. These concerns have been fuelled by increasing longevity and rising pension deficits. In addition there has been further awareness of the extent of female pensioner poverty. In order to explore this situation a suitable analytical framework is required. As pensions received in retirement are dependent on earlier events in individuals’ lives, most notably their employment history, this paper explores the need for a life course approach to examine the gendered nature of pensions in the UK. Initially the life course approach, a key mode of analysis in political economy theory, is defined. It is then used to examine the notion of the changing ‘institution’ of retirement and its subsequent de‐standardisation. Then, linked to the political economy approach, it is utilised to introduce ways in which employment experiences of men and women impact upon inequalities in retirement. Finally, the article concludes that by employing such an approach to understanding pensions it enables a better appreciation of savings behaviour and opportunities. 相似文献
284.
Peggy Levitt 《Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power》2017,24(1):55-61
The author responds to the contributions to this symposium, highlighting her ideas about diversity management regimes, the urban cultural armature, global museum assemblages, the cosmopolitan-nationalism continuum, and new methods for studying the global and for engaging in constructive critique. 相似文献
285.
Concentrated human activities such as the burning of fossil fuels have resulted in chronic nitrogen (N) additions to urban ecosystems. We predicted that urban development in North Texas (NTX; the largest “megapolitan” region in the Great Plains) would be positively correlated with atmospheric concentrations of nitrogen oxides (NOx) and with the leaf tissue quality (lower C:N ratio) and herbivory of the long-lived native tree, post oak (Quercus stellata). Data from air monitoring stations were used to calculate distance-weighted estimates of atmospheric NOx for 11 sites of differing urban development across NTX. Soil samples were collected at each site along with post oak leaves, estimates of herbivory, and measurements of tree size. Percent urban development was strongly positively correlated with atmospheric NOx concentrations, though there was no correlation between atmospheric NOx and soil N. There was a positive relationship between soil N and leaf tissue quality, but only where atmospheric NOx was relatively low, possibly due to factors that covary with urban development. Herbivory was not significantly correlated with leaf tissue quality, but leaves from the two most urban sites had the greatest amount of insect herbivory. The NOx concentrations in NTX were lower than other industrialized cities, which may be due to climate and topography differences or the relatively young age of this urban area. This study adds to the expanding body of literature examining how urban ecosystems are affected (or not) by N deposition and suggests that interactions among NOx, soils, and plants are complex and sometimes, counterintuitive. 相似文献
286.
Mick Foster 《Development policy review : the journal of the Overseas Development Institute》2003,21(3):293-300
This note derives minimum appraisal criteria for foreign aid consistent with those used by donor governments for domestic spending, and discusses implications for the level, allocation and financing of aid programmes. One finding is that aid is only welfare‐enhancing when the recipient country's social time preference rate is higher than the donor's, as will normally be the case. This implies that endowment financing is inferior to funding aid from current income, though borrowing against future aid as proposed by the International Financing Facility can be worthwhile provided returns exceed the borrowing cost. 相似文献
287.
Several recent studies have suggested that the distribution of income (earnings, jobs) is becoming more polarized. Much of
the evidence presented in support of this view consists of demonstrating that the population share in an arbitrarily chosen
middle income class has fallen. However, such evidence can be criticized as being range-specific—depending on the particular
cutoffs selected. In this paper we propose a range-free approach to measuring the middle class and polarization, based on
partial orderings. The approach yields two polarization curves which, like the Lorenz curve in inequality analysis, signal unambiguous
increases in polarization. It also leads to an intuitive new index of polarization that is shown to be closely related to
the Gini coefficient. We apply the new methodology to income and earnings data from the U.S. and Canada, and find that polarization
is on the rise in the U.S. but is stable or declining in Canada. A cross-country comparison reveals the U.S. to be unambiguously
more polarized than Canada. 相似文献
288.
Kevin Foster 《Cultural Studies》2013,27(2):235-252
ABSTRACT This article examines the roles and functions of narratives in the conduct and prosecution of the Falklands War. It looks at how, and with what degree of success the Falklands conflict was emplotted into potent definitions of national identity; how it was constructed as the embodiment of certain cherished ideals of nationhood, and thus slotted into what Patrick Wright calls the ‘mythical Histories’ of Britain and Argentina. It considers how the languages of diplomacy and sport were articulated within a discourse of war. It examines how participants in the conflict, journalists and combatants, made use of narratives cognate with the tradition of the romance quest in an effort to make sense of the conflict, promote its aims and provide themselves with reassurance at times of uncertainty, if not naked terror. It also considers how opposition to the war, dissenting opinions about the legitimacy of its aims and prosecution, and a more critical view of its costs, was most often and most effectively articulated in narratives which contested and deconstructed the discursive norms of the romance quest, or which challenged the coherence of the narrative or the narrative subject itself. 相似文献
289.
290.