Rural development and urban migration: can we keep them down on the farm?

This study tests the hypothesis that rural development projects and programs reduce rural-urban migration. The author presents various factors in the social theories of migration, including those relating to origin and destination, intervening obstacles such as distance, and personal factors. 3 economic models of migration are the human capital or cost-benefit approach, the expected income model, and the intersectoral linkage model. Empirical studies of migration indicate that: 1) rural areas with high rates of out-migration tend to have high population densities or high ratios of labor to arable land, 2) distance inhibits migration, 3) rural-urban migration is positively correlated with family income level, and 4) selectivity differences in socioeconomic status between migrants and nonmigrants often are grouped into development packages which might include irrigation, new varieties of seed, subsidized credit, increased extension, and improved marketing arrangements. The migration impacts of some of these efforts are described: 1) land reform usually is expected to slow rural out-migration because it normally increases labor utilization in rural areas, but this is a limited effect, 2) migration effects of the Green Revolution technology are mainly in rural-rural migration, and 3) agricultural mechanization may stimulate rural-urban migration in the long run. Development of rural social services migh have various effects on rural-urban migration. Better rural education, which improves the chances of urban employment, will stimulate rural-urban migration, while successful rural family planning programs will have a negative effect in the long run as there will be reduced population pressure on arable land. Better rural health services might reduce the incentive for rural-urban migration as well. It is suggested that governments reconsider policies which rely on rural development to curb rural-urban migration and alleviate problems of urban poverty and underemployment.     

Statistical materials: the family in the USSR

Statistical data are presented on the family in the USSR. Data from the 1979 census are included on number of families and their distribution by size; distribution of families by size and type, social class, and nationality; number of families including members of different nationalities, 1959-1979; number of marriages and divorces, 1960-1981; changes in age at marriage, 1960-1981; and distribution of births by age of mother, 1969-1970, 1974-1975, and 1980-1981.     

The aims of population statistics and demographic research

A detailed program for the improvement of population statistics and for the development of demographic research is presented, with particular reference to the USSR. Topics covered include global and regional population projections, special surveys on demographic behavior, and the need for improvements in migration data.     

集体记忆与民族认同——以新疆青河县哈萨克族克烈部分支阿巴克克烈部落为例

基于集体记忆所形成的共同祖先观念是强化民族认同的重要因素之一,它象征着族群社会结构的永久连续性。通过共同祖先意识把民族不同支派成员连接在一起,促使成员对本民族产生归属感和凝聚感,并借此不断强化民族认同,使其社会得以延续。本文以新疆青河县哈萨克族阿巴克克烈部落成员的集体记忆为例,结合相关文史资料,从共同祖先追溯、氏族部落社会组织传承记忆等视角探讨了哈萨克族基于集体记忆的社会延续与民族认同之关系。     

文与悟：“良知即是易”的意本论解读

王阳明易学思想文本内容不多,目前学界已有论文对文本的运用重复率较高。鉴于有学者指出笔者1998年的论文没有把“良知即是易”加以深入的哲学分析,所以此文从意本论的角度,从“文”（文本）与“悟”（境界）两方面深入研讨“良知”与“易”的关系。本文基于《周易明意》意哲学的角度研讨阳明易学相关材料,力图穿透学界之前对阳明易学的文本诠释,并借助《周易明意》意本论哲学境界来领“悟”阳明易学材料与其心学哲学的内在关系,从而从意本论角度深入剖析和建构阳明心学“良知”与其易学哲学的关系。总之,本文从意本论哲学的角度,围绕文本与境界之间的张力,继承和发展学界之前从体用论角度研讨“良知”与“易”的既有成果,深入分析与阐释阳明“良知”与其易学哲学思想。以此为例,本文试图从“中国哲学”理论的角度推动“中国哲学史”相关问题研究。     

Family transitions in Young Adulthood

Using the first (1995) and third (2001-2002) waves of the Add Health survey, we examine women 's family transitions up to age 24. Only a third of all women marry, and a fifth of those marriages dissolve before age 24. Three out of eight women have afirst birth, with a substantial majority of those births outside of marriage: 66% for whites, 96% for blacks, and 72% for Mexican Americans. Cohabitation is the predominant union form; 59% of women cohabit at least once by age 24. Most cohabitations are short lived, with approximately one in five resulting in a marriage. We summarize the family and relationship experience of women up to age 24 in terms offour categories, each accounting for roughly a quarter of all women. Category 1 has the women who remain single nonparents. Category 2 has the early marriers, women whose marriage is not preceded by a first birth. Category 3 has those who become single parents. Category 4 has the women who cohabit at least once, but who do not marry or have a birth by age 24. The strictly ordered transitions of the 1950s are long gone and have been replaced by a variety of paths to adulthood.