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201.
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J. Stephen Cleghorn 《Sociological inquiry》1987,57(3):304-315
This study makes a number of comparisons between the theories of Durkheim (1933) and Burawoy (1979) on the link between work and a just social order. These comparisons are used to speculate on the question, Can democratization of the labor process transform capitalist society? Several points of agreement and disagreement are discussed to advance our understanding of the societal effects of changes being introduced at the point of production. It is argued that both the organizational perspective of Durkheim and the political economy perspective of Burawoy agree that the worker as moral actor is the key to how work life will articulate with life in society. The question then becomes whether workers may be differentially involved as moral actors on the job and in society at large. 相似文献
203.
Reese Stephen D.; Danielson Wayne A.; Shoemaker Pamela J.; Chang Tsan-Kuo; Hsu Huei-Ling 《Public opinion quarterly》1986,50(4):563-572
A general interpersonal deference explanation for ethnicity-of-interviewereffects is tested with a random survey of Anglos and Mexican-Americansusing Anglo and Hispanic interviewers and questions relatedto Mexican-American culture. The theory was most clearly supportedamong Anglo respondents. The mixed support found among Mexican-Americanssuggests that deference is strongest when questions deal withthe culture represented by the interviewer, not the respondent. 相似文献
204.
This article explores the theoretical and empirical issues in unit root nonstationarity for multiproduct acreage response systems. A wheat/barley acreage response system for the praire provinces region of Canada is estimated and the existence of a unit root cannot be rejected empirically. It is shown that while the estimates of this system are very similar whether or not a unit root is assumed, the effects of a one-shot policy shock in the two alternative models are very different. 相似文献
205.
Stephen W. Beach 《The Sociological quarterly》1977,18(3):305-318
Most of existing literature assumes that social movement organizations will inevitably become more ideologically and tactically conservative over time. This paper presents a couterargument to this position, suggesting that many movement organizations can be shown to have grown more radical as they have developed. A definition of movement radicalization is constructed, and eight propositions concerning factors which seem to increase the likelihood that a movement organization will radicalize are presented. These factors include repressive action by the agents of social control, changes in the ideological and tactical orientations of the movement organization's constituency, codification of a radicalizing movement's ideology, a reduced likelihood of co-optation, certain aspects of the structural character of the larger society, weak internal controls over the group's members, and the presence of individual radical leaders. Each proposition is illustrated by reference to the career of a North Irish group known as the People's Democracy. 相似文献
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In the presence of covariate information, the proportional hazards model is one of the most popular models. In this paper,
in a Bayesian nonparametric framework, we use a Markov (Lévy-driven) process to model the baseline hazard rate. Previous Bayesian
nonparametric models have been based on neutral to the right processes, which have a number of drawbacks, such as discreteness
of the cumulative hazard function. We allow the covariates to be time dependent functions and develop a full posterior analysis
via substitution sampling. A detailed illustration is presented. 相似文献