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西方语境下的“启蒙”精神的核心是理性精神。在中国语境下,“启蒙精神”被简单地等同于“科学精神”,“科学”这一概念更多地被用作指称一种实证的方法。此刻,科学精神的精神内核并不是西方意义上的理性精神。由于在艺术创作过程中科学精神被具体化为“写实主义”、“自然主义”的创作方法,因此,中国主流话剧的倡导者将话剧当成了一种用以宣传某种政治思想的工具而非一种独特的艺术样式。话剧的工具化证明了中国的“话剧精神”尚未建立的事实。  相似文献   
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运用马克思主义辩证唯物论和历史唯物论的基本原理,阐述了我们党的全部工作的出发点和落脚点都是为了最广大人民群众的根本利益.提出了能否始终保持同人民群众的血肉联系,是关系到党和国家生死存亡的大问题.  相似文献   
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Following the three welfare regimes constructed by Esping‐Andersen, many scholars have addressed the question of whether there may be a further type of regime, differing from the categories of liberal, conservative and social democratic, pertaining to other parts of the world. Discussion has centred largely on East Asia and, in particular, on the notion of the developmental/productivist welfare regime. Yet these discussions have been based more on conceptual classification than empirical analysis. This article attempts to fill in the gap, with reference to the developmental characteristics of Taiwan, South Korea and Japan. A set of 15 indicators is developed for the factor and cluster analysis of 20 countries, based on data from the 1980s and 1990s. The results indicate the existence of a new group, consisting of Taiwan and South Korea, which is distinct from Esping‐Andersen's three regimes – unlike Japan, which remains a composite of various regime types. Regime characteristics peculiar to the cases of Taiwan and South Korea include: low/medium social security expenditure, high social investment, more extensive gender discrimination in salary, medium/high welfare stratification, a high non‐coverage rate for pensions, high individual welfare loading, and high family welfare responsibility. When compared with Esping‐Andersen's three regimes, the East Asian developmental regime shows similarity with his conservative model, in respect of welfare stratification, while the non‐coverage of welfare entitlements is similar to his liberal model. There is virtually no evidence of any similarity between the developmental welfare regime and Esping‐Andersen's social democratic regime type.  相似文献   
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Canine hip dysplasia (CHD) is characterized by hip laxity and subluxation that can lead to hip osteoarthritis. Studies have shown the involvement of multiple genetic regions in the expression of CHD. Although we have associated some variants in the region of fibrillin 2 with CHD in a subset of dogs, no major disease-associated gene has been identified. The focus of this study is to identify quantitative trait loci (QTL) associated with CHD. Two sequential multipoint linkage analyses based on a reversible jump Markov chain Monte Carlo approach were applied on a cross-breed pedigree of 366 dogs. Hip radiographic trait (Norberg Angle, NA) on both hips of each dog was tested for linkage to 21,455 single nucleotide polymorphisms across 39 chromosomes. Putative QTL for the NA was found on 11 chromosomes (1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 14, 19, 21, 32, 36, and 39). Identification of genes in the QTL region(s) can assist in identification of the aberrant genes and biochemical pathways involving hip dysplasia in both dogs and humans.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

On April 14, 2010, a massive earthquake measuring 7.1Ms struck the Yushu Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Qinghai Province, China. Its scale notwithstanding, it has received much less national and international attention than the also immense Wenchun quake of 2008 in Sichun Province. This field report discusses the contribution of religion and spirituality in postdisaster relief in Yushu. It also calls for critical reflection on the issue of homogenization in the discussion of indigenous social work in China, and perhaps in other multiethnic countries in the world.  相似文献   
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There exist around the notion of the public three different yet overlapping dichotomies posed on different levels of analysis: public (sphere) versus private (sphere), public versus mass, and publicness versus privacy/secrecy. Habermas's book ([1962]1989) incorporates all the three sets of dichotomy without resolving the contradictory meanings and bridging the gaps among them. As a result, his conception of the public sphere becomes paradoxical in terms, and it undertheorizes the cultural property of publicness. This article proposes an alternative conception of the public that may encompass the structural, institutional, and cultural levels of theorization in a more precise and coherent way. It is argued that the public is an imagined category about citizen membership that is attached to both institutions of state and civil society. In political practices, a symbolic "public" is institutionalized through an open communicative space where it is called upon, constructed, and contested as the central source of cultural references. In this connection, a notion of public credibility is introduced as an attempt to bring forth a richer and more dynamic conception about the role of culture in democratic struggles than that of critical rationality by Habermas.  相似文献   
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