财政分权背景下的地方政府预算外收入扩张——基于中国省级面板数据的实证研究

本文对财政分权背景下我国地方政府预算外收入扩张的原因进行了理论分析,研究发现:地方政府预算外收入与辖区经济发展水平存在显著的负相关关系;与行政事业单位人员规模存在显著的正相关关系;与预算内财政支出存在显著的负相关关系;同时,在预算内财政支出既定时,预算外收入与转移支付规模存在显著的负相关关系。说明了分权改革后地方政府扩张预算外收入一方面在于弥补其财政支出的缺口;另一方面,由于预算外资金的收和支没有完全脱钩,行政事业单位改革的不彻底性,地方政府追求可自由裁量财政资源最大化的偏好等原因,进一步加剧了预算外收入的扩张。     

我国小学唱歌教学目标的发展研究

唱歌教学具有对学生审美体验、艺术表达、文化认知的音乐综合素质能力培养的学科特点,通过对音乐与语言各类歌唱艺术作品与形式的体验,完成情感表达与审美行为的过程,达成音乐培养的实践意义,提升其文化承传素养的作用,完善音乐素质教育的培养目标。     

《儿女英雄传》中的副词“都”及其语法化

《儿女英雄传》是《红楼梦》通向现代北京话的中途站,通过它可以了解汉语在19世纪中期的基本面貌。当时,副词“都”已具备表示范围和表示语气等用法,其语气副词用法中有一类兼表已然义。根据《儿女英雄传》中反映的语言事实和语法化的一般规律,副词“都”的语法化路径应该为“范围副词→语气副词→兼表已然义的语气副词”。     

手机传播机制与受众文化心理

手机传播充分进入了人们的日常生活,传播人人同时参与的事实基本实现。手机媒体文化传播显现出普适性、放射性的传播机制,人际传播动能极强,手机媒体传播机制具有“碎片化”传播的随机性与多样化特点．手机的使用最大限度地缓解了现代人的．心理危机,满足了人们多样化交流的欲望。从手机文化传播受众需求来看,使用与满足正是人们使用手机媒体、构筑手机文化的心理动机。     

西柏坡精神的基本内涵及其社会效应

在西柏坡时期,中国共产党人逐渐孕育了以“两个务必”、“两个敢于”、“两个坚持”、“两个善于”为基本内涵的西柏坡精神。西柏坡精神与井冈山精神、长征精神、延安精神既一脉相承、紧密联系,又独具特色。多角度、全方位、科学地探析新时期西柏坡精神的基本内涵及其重大意义．以期能对加强新时期党的科学化建设有所裨益。     

服务企业绩效差异源泉的理论与实证分析

"服务企业绩效差异的主要源泉是来自行业效应还是企业效应?",通过对2002-2009年中国服务业上市公司的研究,利用方差分析法衡量了行业、企业、年份的主效应以及年份与行业的交互效应对服务企业绩效差异的影响程度。结果显示:(1)服务业有较强的成长能力,可能会有一轮新的资本规模扩张形势;(2)企业效应对服务业上市公司盈利能力起着决定性影响,服务企业要获得可持续超常盈利能力的根本途径,是运用其独特的、无法被模仿的资源来创造可持续的竞争优势,而非多元化进入更有获利能力的产业,更不可能依赖于宏观经济环境的变动;(3)与盈利能力不同,年份效应对服务业上市公司成长能力的影响仅次于企业效应,这种差异性深刻地揭示出投资者的非理性和资本市场亟待完善。     

康定锅庄文化遗产价值新阐释

The understanding of the traditional research of Kangding Guozhuo mainly covers four aspects:1 ) It is widely believed in the academic world that the Guozhuang ( meaning singing and dancing in a circle ) of Kangding was a unique product which combined politics, economics and culture together. 2) It was a specific business form based on the family unit, fulfilling multiple func￣tions such as an inn, a shed, a commodity inter￣mediary, an administrative office, a commodity transformation point, and a banking establishment. And it was also a place for cultural exchange be￣tween the Tibetans and the Han . 3 ) The formation of Guozhuang culture establishes a new element in the culture of the Tibetan-Yi corridor. 4 ) Zheng Shaoxiong mentions that the Guozhuangzhu ( the Guozhuang host ) had played an intermediary role in assisting the Tibetan businessmen to sell or pur￣chase goods - this helped to maintain the trade relations between the Han and Tibetans ( or their communication) . This kind of ingenious institu￣tional arrangement was a historical practice in keeping the balance of the relationship between different cultural communities, such as the Qing court, Tusi ( native officials ) and the Guozhuang host of Kangding. It reflects the wisdom in ethnic interactions, and can be borrowed in present ethnic regional autonomous system.
The above mentioned understanding is a result of study from the perspective of history, ethnology or economics. Although Zheng Shaoxiong’s re￣search was born from the old mindset, and pro￣posed the new value of Guozhuang cultural mecha￣nism, there is still a lack of research on this cul￣ture from such comprehensive perspectives as ur￣ban history, cultural anthropology, and economic anthropology. Thus it cannot fully reveal the fea￣ture and value of Kangding Guozhuang, a complex cultural phenomenon.
Based on existing data, past research, and fieldwork on the oral history of Kangding Guozhuang conducted in August 2013 , this article gives some new interpretations to the features of Guozhuang culture from an interdisciplinary per￣spective as follows:
1 ) The forever “48 Guozhuang” are a Kang￣ding urban memory, which displays the common cultural psychology of regarding Kangding as an important trade city of the Han and Tibetans; and Guozhuang carries a folk cultural memory of more than 200 years. After the gaitu guiliu policy ( re￣placement of native officials with centrally appoint￣ed officials) in the late Qing period, the number of newly appeared Guozhuang even reached 60 to 70 .“Although each of them had its own courtyard, and people also called them Guozhuang, they were still quite different from the 48 Guozhuang in the minds of the Kangding people”. This not only in￣dicates that the 48 Guozhuang within the orthodox system were deeply rooted in the hearts of the local people, but also reflects that Guozhuang were re￣garded as the most proper carrier for the communi￣cation between the Han and Tibetan during the late Qing period, otherwise so many Guozhuang court￣yards would not have appeared in history.
2 ) From the name to its architectural form, or function, a Guozhuang was influenced by the Han culture, however, it still had strong Tibetan char￣acteristics. Actually it could be regarded as a min￣iature of local culture of Kangding. Every Guozhuang had its own Tibetan name and Chinese name. The architectural style of the Guozhuang was actually different from traditional multiple -level blockhouse. There was always a courrtyard, and it was larger than that of Han. The vast court￣yard was not only a space for the Tibetan business￣man to cook food and boil tea, but also a space for organizing their entertainment activities, such as singing and dancing in a circle. You Tai, a minis￣ter of the Qing dynasty in Tibetan areas, recorded a grand dancing party organized by the local Tusi to welcome his arrival, which reflected the significant position of the Guozhuang in cultural activities. The upper-class of the Kham area, including Tusi and the Guozhuang host, tried to build a close re￣lationship with both Tibetan and Han in all means, including the title, kinship relation or customs, and successfully built up a central zone on which both sides can be understood. It was just due to the special geographical location and cultural tradi￣tion that made the reconstruction of a cross cultural buffer zone possible.
3 ) The managers of the Guozhuang were mainly the hostesses ( Ajia Kaba in Tibetan lan￣guage) , and this also reflected a kind of feminism in Kham culture. The tradition of the Dong nv guo ( East Kingdom of Women ) enabled the women to run their business in and out of the family. When the tea trade started, the Guozhuang host had to spend much of their energy on providing service to the Tusi, so the Guozhuang hostess took the re￣sponsibility of managing the business of the Guozhuang. Ajia normally controlled the initiative of negotiation in the Han-Tibetan trade, and they played the role of interpreters in the negotiation. There were many live -in son -in -laws in the family of the Guozhuang and this kind of marriage was even more popular in the period from the late Qing dynasty to the Republican era.
If we conduct an analysis of the value of Kangding Guozhuang from multiple dimensions, we would notice that the existence of the non-market interpersonal model in this institution, on some certain degree, had solved the problem of the lack of social cohesion resulting from marketization. From this angle, the value of Guozhuang culture in the improvement of the economic institutions of the market cannot be ignored.
This fieldwork also reflects the significant and comprehensive influence of the Guozhuang cultural heritage of Kangding. When viewed from this an￣gle, its value is incredible. According to the data collected from the fieldwork, all the people, inclu￣ding officials, scholars, businessman and ordinary people, are aware that the Guozhuang is a cultural heritage which has a high and comprehensive val￣ue. If the relevant government bodies could in￣clude it into the scope of heritage protection, and build it into a cultural space of intangible cultural heritage, it will have a much higher heritage val￣ue , and play an important role both in the econom￣ic development and construction of harmonious eth￣nic relationships.
The Kangding Guozhuang also played a role in the deconstruction of the Han - Tibetan social structure - this kind of value can not only be in￣troduced to the present world and influence the fu￣ture world, but also can be seen as a hub which connects the “ancient” and “modern” Han -Ti￣betan relations. Traditionally, there was a structur￣al rule in the communications between the Han and Tibetan, namely that “the Han and Tibetans are somewhat separated from each other ”, however, the Guozhuang model in Kangding deconstructed this Han-Tibetan rule. This was closely related to elements such as social composition, ways of life, marriage, family, kinship, and religious customs. The disappearance of Guozhuang also has its own causes, for instance, the absence of inheritors and failure in operation of this system. However, this article proposes that it is mainly influenced by the social reforms in the historical process. Hence, that is the reason why modern enterprises which re￣tain certain connotations of the Guozhuang could re-appear in the Kang area. In the survey, we no￣tice that some enterprises have already made efforts in this regard. In summary, Kangding Guozhuang had creatively formed a security institution with a more humanized nature, and played an important role in the alleviation of social tensions in ethnic areas. Contemporary society, composed as it is of people with multi-ethnic backgrounds, still needs this kind of “deconstruction”.     

民族文学国际传播中的文化传递——以《尘埃落定》英译本为例

中国民族文学作品的国际传播必须注意文化的传递,这对于塑造中华民族形象、突破他人话语体系、提升文化影响力具有重要意义。但由于文化空缺的存在,中国民族文化向外译介面临诸多难点。葛浩文夫妇翻译的阿来小说《尘埃落定》是将民族文化向国际传播的优秀成果,分析其在民族文化传递方面的得失和方法对于提高我国民族文学翻译质量和传播民族文化具有重要的借鉴意义。通过英汉文本比较发现,葛氏夫妇的译本综合采用了音译、直译、意译、形象借用等多种翻译手法,尽量保留了原作的文化意境,但也存在误译现象,扭曲或丢失了一些文化意象。总的来说,译本忠实地再现了川西高原土司制度瓦解时期的社会文化韵味,有效地传递了中国民族文化。     

Statistical modeling for Bayesian extrapolation of adult clinical trial information in pediatric drug evaluation

Children represent a large underserved population of “therapeutic orphans,” as an estimated 80% of children are treated off‐label. However, pediatric drug development often faces substantial challenges, including economic, logistical, technical, and ethical barriers, among others. Among many efforts trying to remove these barriers, increased recent attention has been paid to extrapolation; that is, the leveraging of available data from adults or older age groups to draw conclusions for the pediatric population. The Bayesian statistical paradigm is natural in this setting, as it permits the combining (or “borrowing”) of information across disparate sources, such as the adult and pediatric data. In this paper, authored by the pediatric subteam of the Drug Information Association Bayesian Scientific Working Group and Adaptive Design Working Group, we develop, illustrate, and provide suggestions on Bayesian statistical methods that could be used to design improved pediatric development programs that use all available information in the most efficient manner. A variety of relevant Bayesian approaches are described, several of which are illustrated through 2 case studies: extrapolating adult efficacy data to expand the labeling for Remicade to include pediatric ulcerative colitis and extrapolating adult exposure‐response information for antiepileptic drugs to pediatrics.     

探析我国突发公共卫生危机治理的路向选择

文章就当前我国突发公共卫生危机应对只处于“管理”而非“治理”的现状,提出我国需要建设由政府部门、非政府组织、私营部门、公民个人和家庭及国际组织等全主体力量的参与,形成高度组织化的突发公共卫生危机治理体系,使之成为全主体、全危险要素、全过程应对突发公共卫生危机的长期合作网络和制度平台,即着眼全球视野的治理网络,凝聚全国组织治理公共卫生危机的整体合力;着力全主体应急平台建设,整合全部资源畅通公共卫生危机的信息机制;着手全方位应急预案体系,操演全新流程强化公共卫生危机的响应计划;着重全国民疾病防控体系,强化全员监督提高公共卫生危机的应对能力;着实全社会应急知识宣教,推动全民学习锻造公共卫生危机的组织实力。