Don't Ask,Don't Tell and Other LGB Civil Rights Issues: Effects of Terminology on Public Opinion

“Don't Ask, Don't Tell” was devised to combat the perceived costs associated with gays and lesbians openly serving in the military, including low unit cohesion, damage to the military's reputation, and the general population's lack of acceptance for homosexuals serving (Belkin, 2008). However, recent polls and policy reversal have shown growing public support for homosexuals being allowed to serve openly. Interestingly, the amount of support has varied as a function of question wording. Two polls conducted by CBS News found support for homosexuals serving in the military varied with greater support for “gays and lesbians” compared to “homosexuals.” Two studies were conducted to further examine the effect of terminology on reported support. Two samples reported opinions for homosexual civil rights issues. Sexual orientation was described using the terms gay men and lesbians, homosexuals, gay men, or lesbians. Percentage differences were found to be greater than those reported in the CBS polls, as wording choice had an effect on reported openness regarding homosexual civil rights. These differences indicate that it is important to consider precise terminology usage when measuring opinions. Levels of support, stereotypes activated, and the relationship between support for civil rights and general levels of prejudice were examined.     

Youth,presence and agency: the case of Kigali’s motari

This paper concerns young men who drive motorcycle taxis in Kigali, the capital city of Rwanda. Through an ethnographic account of the livelihoods of these motari, it seeks to account for their continued presence in a city whose authorities are openly hostile to their business, yet in which they remain a significant social force. I argue that it is not either by the exercise of ‘agency’ that motari achieve a social presence in Kigali, but through the social relations in which they are engaged. These relations immobilise them and effectively prevent them from mounting any concerted political challenge to hostile city authorities. However, I suggest that this lack of agency is one reason for their significance, since it makes them available as a resource for the schemes of others. I use this case study to argue for a rethinking of the notion of agency in the anthropology of youth. Rather than celebrating autonomous action or the creative, subversive play of the young, I propose instead a relational understanding in which the capacities and opportunities presented by groups of people in social relations grounds their social significance. It may be the very fact of young people’s domination that makes them socially significant.     

The Biosociology of Solidarity

For well over a century, sociologists have directed considerable attention to understanding and explaining the processes that produce social solidarity – the feeling of interpersonal connectedness that binds members of society together. Despite the centrality of solidarity to sociological thought, many sociologists remain unaware of the biosocial processes and mechanisms that create and sustain it. We espouse a biosociological viewpoint, which illuminates solidarity as a complex and fascinating interplay between biological and social elements. In this paper we discuss three important advances within the field of neuroscience that point to exciting new avenues of research for sociologists: (i) the discovery of mirror neurons, (ii) developments in the understanding of brain plasticity, and (iii) increased appreciation of the role of non‐conscious processes in social interaction. Additionally, we discuss ongoing basic and applied research to demonstrate how sociologists can capitalize on recent scientific developments to advance their own research agendas. VIDEO ABSTRACT ‐ http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Is9de_ajheM&hd=1     

Challenges for Divorced Parents: Regulating Negative Emotions in Post‐Divorce Relationships

Emotion regulation processes in post‐divorce parental relationships are analysed using thematic qualitative analysis. In two separate interview episodes, three and five years post‐divorce, 55 people were interviewed: 10 couples and 35 individuals. Two themes emerged on how parents deal with their negative emotions after divorce. The first theme, emotion regulation flexibility, reveals how some parents effectively regulate negative emotions following the divorce. The second theme, emotion regulation rigidity, reveals that other parents retain feelings of anger, hostility, and resentment following the divorce as a consequence of dysfunctional emotion regulation strategies. This allows a deeper understanding of the processes of emotion regulation in family conflict, which may be easily applied in most therapeutic orientations.     

Not all that was solid has melted into air (or liquid): a critique of Bauman on individualization and class in liquid modernity

Whilst theories of individualization are usually perceived as posing a severe challenge to the oft‐disputed concept of class, the recent work of postmodernist‐turned‐liquid‐modernist Zygmunt Bauman in this vein has generally escaped the attention of faithful class analysts keen to defend their object of study. Indeed, in places Bauman has been mobilised to critique the cognate ideas of Ulrich Beck and Anthony Giddens, despite the fact that the intellectual affinity between the three is patent and has been rightly flagged by others. This paper seeks to remedy the treatment of Bauman thus far by tracing his precise views on class as they have developed over his extended career and clarifying his current position on its decline in the face of the sweeping individualization brought by liquid modernity. It then provides a critique of his views by pulling out the contradictions and errors besetting them and, in the process, attempts to render less credible his claim that class is no longer a significant sociological tool.     

Can the UroLift prostatic implant device treat the symptoms of benign prostatic hypertrophy,avoid sexual dysfunction and reduce hospital TURP waiting times? A single centre,single surgeon experience and review of the literature

BPH associated with LUTS and sexual dysfunction is common. We performed UroLift on 11 patients, average age 71?years (range 56–90). IPSS improved by an average of 9 points post-procedure. Pre-operatively their post-void residuals were 306.3?ml (range 120–499?ml SD [120.6]) and their Q_MAX was 7?ml/s (range 4–14 SD [2.8] ml/s). Post-procedure the post-void residual decreased by 35.4% at 4?months (mean difference – 106.3?ml). Q_MAX improved by an average of 1.7?ml/s, which was not statistically significant. No patients suffered any sexual dysfunction side effects and all patients were satisfied with their result. Hospital stay and theatre time were significantly reduced. Average length of stay was just 10.6 (6–18) hours and average theatre time just 18.7 (12–30) min. This is significantly faster than other surgery for LUTS. We therefore feel that there are significant benefits for both the patients, who are able to go home much faster, and also the hospital, who are able to perform far more surgeries for their patients. Patients also do not require an inpatient bed so patients should not be cancelled on the day of theatre.     

Does Facebook increase political participation? Evidence from a field experiment

During the last decade, much of political behaviour research has come to be concerned with the impact of the Internet, and more recently social networking sites such as Facebook, on political and civic participation. Although existing research generally finds a modestly positive relationship between social media use and offline and online participation, the majority of contributions rely on cross-sectional data, so the causal impact of social media use remains unclear. The present study examines how Facebook use influences reported political participation using an experiment. We recruited young Greek participants without a Facebook account and randomly assigned a subset to create and maintain a Facebook account for a year. In this paper we examine the effect of having a Facebook account on diverse modes of online and offline participation after six months. We find that maintaining a Facebook account had clearly negative consequences on reports of offline and online forms of political and civic participation.