A Risk Analysis Model in Concurrent Engineering Product Development

Concurrent engineering has been widely accepted as a viable strategy for companies to reduce time to market and achieve overall cost savings. This article analyzes various risks and challenges in product development under the concurrent engineering environment. A three‐dimensional early warning approach for product development risk management is proposed by integrating graphical evaluation and review technique (GERT) and failure modes and effects analysis (FMEA). Simulation models are created to solve our proposed concurrent engineering product development risk management model. Solutions lead to identification of key risk controlling points. This article demonstrates the value of our approach to risk analysis as a means to monitor various risks typical in the manufacturing sector. This article has three main contributions. First, we establish a conceptual framework to classify various risks in concurrent engineering (CE) product development (PD). Second, we propose use of existing quantitative approaches for PD risk analysis purposes: GERT, FMEA, and product database management (PDM). Based on quantitative tools, we create our approach for risk management of CE PD and discuss solutions of the models. Third, we demonstrate the value of applying our approach using data from a typical Chinese motor company.     

Several Issues in Research on State Emergence in China

所谓酋邦分布的绝对普遍性问题并不是当代国际学术界的公论, 明确这点对于我 们准确把握酋邦概念和理论的本来意义有积极价值。通过对古希腊等个案的分析而开 展的关于酋邦形态在欧洲和世界更多地区分布情况的进一步研究, 并不会改变关于中 国个案适用酋邦模式的基本认识, 也不会对中国国家起源的研究产生新的重大难题。 在对中国国家起源问题的理论研究中, 对国外学者成果的借鉴无疑非常重要。而这需 要研究者对有关国外资料做切实深入的了解, 从而准确理解和概括有关成果的真实意 义。目前国内有些研究虽然提出对于国外研究成果的某种概括, 但实际上并没有经过 对有关原始资料本身的认真研究, 所谓的概括性意见是不准确的。这是在当前研究中 需要注意的一个问题。

关键词: 酋邦 部落联盟 国家起源

There is no consensus in international academia on the absolutely universal appearance of chiefdom in all parts of the world. Making this point clear has positive significance for the correct understanding of the original meaning of the concept and theory of chiefdom. Further researches on the distribution of chiefdoms in Europe and other parts of the world, based on studies of ancient Greek and early medieval Germanic cases, will not change our basic understanding of the chiefdom model’s applicability to the case of China, nor will it pose a serious challenge to the ongoing researches on state emergence in China. It is undoubtedly very helpful if we diligently apply foreign academic findings to our own studies in this subject, but genuine and in-depth understanding is necessary, if researchers are to accurately interpret and sum up the real implications of these foreign materials. At present, some Chinese scholars have produced various generalizations based on their own understanding of foreign research results. However, since they are not based on careful study of the original literary sources and other materials, those “generalized” views are often inaccurate. This is a problem that deserves our serious attention in current researches.     

致和:徽州文化的重要特征——以徽州学者"和会朱、陆"为例

致和是徽州文化的一个重要特征.徽州学者在"和会朱、陆"历程中,作出了重要的理论贡献.朱升认为,朱、陆所分别主张的"道问学"与"尊德性"的关系是动、静关系,"如寒、暑、昼、夜之更迭而无间",缺一不可;郑玉认为,朱、陆之学各有优劣,应取长补短;赵汸认为,朱、陆思想"合并于暮岁";程敏政提出"早异晚同"说.徽州学者的这些观点直接影响了王阳明及其后学.学术的最终目的是用"和会"的方式取长补短、综合创新,这样才能创造出更加灿烂的文化.     

心理学派、文化学派,还是综合学派?——孙本文社会学取向刍议

当我们问道"孙本文到底是一个心理学派的社会学家,还是一个文化学派的社会学家,拟或是一个综合学派的社会学家"时,实际上是预设了一个学术思想前后一贯、恒定不变的孙本文。而事实上,正如大家都明白的那样,仔细浏览一下孙本文的著作,我们就会看到,他的思想前后是有变化的。孙本文最早的思想的确是属于心理社会学派,而20世纪40年代的思想也的确是属于综合论社会学派。因此,笼统地问孙本文是一个心理学派社会学家、文化学派社会学家,还是一个综合学派社会学家;或者笼统地回答孙本文是一个心理学派社会学家、文化学派社会学家,还是一个综合学派社会学家,应该都是不合适的。     

幻美旅者的批评之旅——唐湜1940年代作家论研究

在1940年代以政治批评为主体的作家批评氛围里,执着于探寻艺术之美的唐湜,以"人"为主题兼及现实关怀的批评实践和形象诗化的抒情性言说,实践着自己作家批评的幻美追求.显然,正是用这种深情歌吟自己美学追求的批评文字,唐湜在把握时代与艺术的跳动脉搏中,为1940年代的作家论舞台留下了一位幻美诗人绚烂而璀璨的探索足迹.     

论元结构中的语境因素

根据Fillmore的格语法和框架语义学理论以及Goldberg的构式语法理论,动词意义和构式意义都有语境因素的参与。Goldberg认为构式意义相对于动词意义有一定强制作用。本文支持另一种看法,认为动词意义本身包含着丰富的语境因素,构式突显了包括语境因素在内的动词意义的某些方面,形成不同的论元结构。因此,论元结构的产生跟语境因素的作用是分不开的。     

Inside the blogosphere: A taxonomy and framing analysis of abortion weblogs

This study analyses weblog abortion-related content sampled via a search and snowball method. When weblogs located inside of established media Web sites and other weblogs are compared, they are equivalent in the use of advocacy versus objectivist frames. Media weblog posts contain a political frame more frequently than non-media weblog posts do. In terms of diversity of frame, media weblogs employ more frames in their stories. Various explanations for these findings are offered in the context of current abortion-related content patterns.     

论新形势下乡镇政府职能的转换

我国乡镇政府工作和乡镇政府职能面临着许多新问题。因此,提出乡镇政府职能要由全能的"无限责任政府"转变为"有限责任政府"、要由忙于应付的"任务型政府"转变为"公共服务政府"、要由错位的"权责脱节型政府"转变为"权责对等型政府"的转换路径,并从行政体制改革、组织设置、队伍建设、财政改革以及社会中介组织培育等方面提出了推动乡镇政府职能转换的具体措施。     

当代中国政治经济学发展思路探析

从20世纪90年代初至今,我国学界对中国政治经济学的发展思路一直存在着激烈的争论:是无限西化还是有限西化.实际上,在探究中国政治经济学的发展思路时,我们应该首先考虑中国政治经济学的主体性和国度性.在阶级和国家尚还存在的人类社会发展阶段,研究主体的阶级立场规定了政治经济学的主体性,研究对象的国别特殊性又规定了政治经济学的国度性.当代中国政治经济学的主体性在于其研究主体应该代表中国劳动者的利益,中国政治经济学的国度性在于其研究对象应该是中国的经济矛盾,这就决定了中国政治经济学发展的思路,既不能是无限西化,也不能是有限西化,而应该是内生外化,即立足中国国情,从中国劳动者的立场、利益和意识来揭示与论证中国特殊的经济矛盾.     

The Micro-Formation Mechanism of Trade Conflicts between Large Developing Countries: India’s Anti-dumping Action against China

Abstract

Employing Grossman and Helpman’s “protection for sale” model, this article uses data on anti-dumping actions from 1999 to 2009 to perform a quantitative analysis of factors influencing India’s determinations of anti-dumping duties against China, and reveals the micro-formation mechanism of economic conflicts between China and India. We find that the political power of India’s anti-dumping plaintiffs markedly increases the tariff level of its final determinations and that the relationship between the import penetration ratio and duty rates depends upon whether the plaintiffs are politically organized. Further, there is a significant positive correlation between India’s anti-dumping duty rates and its unfavorable trade balance with China. This indicates that in determining anti-dumping duties, Indian authorities are clearly influenced by the political clout of their domestic interest groups. They are also motivated by the desire to keep down China and gain the upper hand in the face-off between the “dragon and the elephant.”