The 1960s: A decade of progress for blacks?

Between 1960 and 1970 blacks, as well as whites, improved their socioeconomic status. Among both races, educational attainment increased, the occupational distribution was upgraded, and real purchasing power rose markedly. In almost every comparison, the gains were somewhat greater among blacks than among whites and thus most indicators of racial differentiation declined. Nevertheless, the changes of this decade failed to eliminate racial differences with regard to socioeconomic status. In all comparisons, except for the income of certain groups of women, blacks were at a disadvantage when compared to whites both at the start and at the end of this decade, and very large racial differences remain. Further socioeconomic progress by blacks during the 1970s will probably not eliminate racial differences. The article concludes by relating the socioeconomic trends to such other aspects of race relations as integration, governmental policy, and the attitudes of whites and blacks.     

Communication problems in the intensive care unit

Hospitalization in an intensive care unit is often physically uncomfortable and socially disorganizing. The ordinary forms of conversational participation that generate and sustain a sense of agency are breached when the patient cannot communicate in socially consensual “real time.” Using my own experience in an intensive care unit, I describe how delayed speech, through the use of an alphabet board, frequently leads to a host of interactional problems and mutual accusations about character. I attempt to show that the fabric of self and the perception of quality of care are achieved through “real time” communication. I also describe the differential communicative structure of those who will not and those who will use my alphabet board. Those using the board exhibit, through board employment and through the “local” topics discussed, a depth of common culture between them and me.     

Governmental planning and budgeting with multiple objective models

This paper presents a goal programming model development and application for a state level public health care agency. Only limited applications of macro planning processes related to health care have been presented in the literature. In that regard, this paper describes briefly the goal programming model, the background of the agency involved and the specific models developed. Three formulations of the model are presented involving (1) the resources required to achieve all goals, (2) the goal attainment status utilizing a likely budget and (3) a proposal for resolving the goal desire-resource limitation dilemma.     

Identifying and using critical success factors

This article focuses on defining and discussing the concept of critical success factors as input into the environment analysis, resource analysis, and strategy evaluation steps in the strategic planning/strategy development process. The reader is provided with eight possible sources of critical success factors including environmental analysis, analysis of industry structure, industry/business experts, analysis of competition, analysis of dominant firm in the industry, company assessment, temporal/intuitive factors and PIMS results. Examples of CSF's from various sources are provided and a scheme by which the reader can assess the relative importance of identified CSF's is presented.     

The usefulness of the munsh as a measure of well-being and psychopathology

Recent questions about the validity and reliability of general measures of psychological well-being over the adult life span led us to address three basic questions in the current investigation. Firstly, does the Memorial University of Newfoundland Scale of Happiness (MUNSH) retain its psychometric properties for groups significantly younger than its standardization sample? Secondly, can the MUNSH be used to discriminate between clinical and community samples throughout the adult life span? Finally, what aspects of pathology are being accessed by such scales as the MUNSH? Forty community and 117 recent admissions to a psychiatric hospital served as subjects. Both groups were administered by the MUNSH; in addition, scores on Jackson's Basic Personality Inventory (BPS) were obtained for the clinical group. Results showed the MUNSH to be an instrument of high reliability that could effectively discriminate between community and clinical populations for both younger and older age groups. Virtually all of the explained MUNSH variance was attributed to the Depression scale of the PBS, a finding consistent with the hypothesis that measures of well-being are primarily sensitive to levels of depression.     

The state and the economy in late imperial China

Conclusions Non-development of a modern economy, the failure to begin modern economic growth, I am prepared to argue but that would require another article- is over-determined. It's not a particularly interesting theoretical question any more. Proponents of economic, political, cultural, social structural, demographic and other explanations have each adduced overwhelming arguments and evidence for their favored explanations. In fact, any one - or two - is a sufficiently mortal debility for the premodern economies and societies that they have studied. More is merely overkill. What we really don't know for sure yet is how modern economic growth begins - even in the case of Western Europe whose economic history has been minutely examined for more than a century. The common fate of most of mankind before the very recent past - slow and uncertain premodern growth of population and output where it occurred, stagnation or decline otherwise - has not (by historians at least) received attention comparable to the more fashionable problem of modern development, whether that be phrased as the Marxist transition from feudalism to capitalism, the neo-classical growth model, or the perhaps now somewhat faded study of modernization.Late imperial China - from the tenth century to the nineteenth - experienced in world perspective a remarkable millennium of premodern economic growth (see table 1). Population and total grain output each increased by a factor of five or six over these centuries, in contrast to the first millennium of the imperial era - from the Qin (221–206 B.C.) through the Tang (618–906) during which, with often sharp fluctuations, a sort of plateau seems have been reached early and never overcome. (Europe's population growth was comparable - the estimates of course, like those for China, are sometimes more testimony to our faith than to our science. There were perhaps 39 million inhabitants in about 1000, 74 million before the demographically disastrous fourteenth century, a recovery to 50 million by 1450,105 million in about 1600, 115 million about 1700, and a total of possibly 190 million inhabitants in 1800.) While overall impressive, the growth of people and production in late imperial China was uneven in both rate and locale, and punctuated by severe fluctuations due to both natural and manmade disasters.Neither the direct nor the indirect influences of the state on the economy were major factors determining the nature and rate of this premodern economic growth. That was largely decided by the dynamics of the dominant private sector of the economy. So far as they affected premodern growth the policies and actions of China's imperial government do not seem to have differed greatly in range or quality from those of the emerging national states of early modern Europe before, let us say, the seventeenth century. Certainly the acceleration of traditional growth in seventeenth- and especially eighteenth-century China argues against the view that the late imperial feudal autocracy was a major obstacle to economic performance in the Ming and Qing periods. On balance, the actions of the state probably helped rather than hindered the long-term growth of population and total output. The state's control of or influence over only a very low percentage of gross national product at the very least limited negative interference with the private sector where the most remarkable Ming-Qing achievements originated.Toward modern economic growth, on the other hand, the Chinese state contributed little if anything, in contrast to the history of early modern Europe. I have already suggested that this conclusion should not be surprising. It, rather than the still only partially understood European experience, represents the mode in world history. The fact that state policies and performance might have lubricated late imperial economic expansion does not imply any necessary forward linkages to the much different and much more difficult task of expanding not just total output but output per capita. The experience of the past is surely not irrelevant, but it may not all be positive for the goal of achieving economic growth in the modern epoch. Thus the Chinese experience of managing and participating in complex bureaucratic organizations may have left a positive legacy for the twentieth century. And similarly, the much higher degree of male literacy in Qing China than we have hitherto assumed, demonstrated in the admirable work of Evelyn S. Rawski, would presumably be conducive to the later achievement of modern economic growth. But the distancing - whether by cultural choice or due to political weakness - of the state from the private economy, while it may have facilitated premodern growth, could be a negative rather than a positive asset for a backward country seeking economic growth in the twentieth century, as Professor Gerschenkron has shown us. Does the contrast between late imperial China and early modern Europe derive, after all, mainly from the greater relative success of the Chinese experience under conditions of premodern economic growth? I refer of course to the achievement of a unified and integrated polity with an adequate customary standard of living for most of the population (in normal times), which was spared (or deprived of?) disquieting church-state conflicts and international wars (for the most part), where one found no Sunday Confucians and no domestic modernist challenge to a deeply rooted and genuine conservatism before the twentieth century. There was little reason for the Qing emperors and the bureaucratic elite who served them, while they still had the power to do so before the shameful nineteenth century, to follow the path of the Houses of Stuart, Bourbon, and Hapsburg and their bureaucratic administrators who built the modern European nation-states and purveyed some of the critical abstractions and institutions of law and property that unwittingly perhaps facilitated Europe's modern economic growth. The Chinese rulers already possessed all under heaven (tianxia), and they could hardly foresee how parochial that universal conceit would become.

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Analyzing organizational ideology: A workplace assessment exercise

This paper provides an experiential exercise to increase understanding of employees attraction to ideological organizations and its relation to employees perception of loyalty, value congruence, and affective organizational commitment. Three separate conditions influencing employee attraction to organizational ideology are loyalty, value congruence, and affective commitment. These three component dimensions of employee attraction are outlined and used to define an eight-phase model through which individuals tend to pass in their decision to form and join ideological organizations.The analysis supports the notion of a stepwise movement from loyalty to value congruence to perceived commitment in strengthening ideological attraction and demonstrates how progressive phases are associated with perceived quality and connection to ideological organizations. Although the levels and phases are progressively prepotent and attractive in predicting employee propensity to form and join ideological organizations, different patterns and paths through the phases for individuals are indicated.The workplace assessment exercise is a tool that will permit managers and professionals to make first order assessments of quality of work life. This survey will discover which personnel and/or jobs are most strongly bonded to the organization and which are the most likely candidates for intervention and revitalization.     

Marriage Patterns of the Foreign‐Born Population in a New Country of Immigration: The Case of Spain1

We use 2001 Spanish census microdata and multivariate logistic regression analysis to explore differences in marriage patterns between the foreign‐born population in Spain, a country that has experienced a dramatic increase in international migration rates in the last decade. In particular, we examine separately the prevalence of being in a consensual and in an endogamous union for a selected and representative group of origins. Results show that after controlling for individual and union characteristics, major differences in cohabitation between groups disappear while major differences in endogamy prevail. This suggests that, when appropriate data are available, future research should take into account contextual factors.