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801.
Extant research has established numerous demographic, personal-history, attitudinal, and ideological correlates of sexual prejudice, also known as homophobia. The present study investigated whether Five-Factor Model (FFM) personality domains, particularly Openness, and FFM facets, particularly Openness to Values, contribute independent and incremental variance to the prediction of sexual prejudice beyond these established correlates. Participants were 117 college students who completed a comprehensive FFM measure, measures of sexual prejudice, and a demographics, personal-history, and attitudes-and-ideologies questionnaire. Results of stepwise multiple regression analyses demonstrated that, whereas Openness domain score predicted only marginal incremental variance in sexual prejudice, Openness facet scores (particularly Openness to Values) predicted independent and substantial incremental variance beyond numerous other zero-order correlates of sexual prejudice. The importance of integrating FFM personality variables, especially facet-level variables, into conceptualizations of sexual prejudice is highlighted. Study strengths and weaknesses are discussed as are potential implications for prejudice-reduction interventions.  相似文献   
802.
The focus of this paper is placed on evaluating the impacts of supply disruption risks on the choice between the famous single and dual sourcing methods in a two-stage supply chain with a non-stationary and price-sensitive demand. The expected profit functions of the two sourcing modes in the presence of supply chain disruption risks are first obtained, and then compared so that the critical values of the key factors affecting the final choice are identified. Finally, the sensitivity of the buyer's expected profit to various input factors is examined through numerical examples, which provide guidelines for how to use each sourcing method.  相似文献   
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806.
Effective child participation in child protection proceedings has proved difficult to achieve in Norway. Although participation is in principle accepted as a human right and something of benefit to children, when children's health is at stake there is a tendency to view participation in decision‐making processes by children as potentially disruptive to their well‐being. The purpose of this study is to review the research evidence for effects, positive or negative, of participation on health outcomes for children in care. A scoping review of major health and social work research databases was undertaken. Searches in five databases yielded 1830 studies of which 21 were finally included in this review. Studies were included if a relationship between health and participation was evident from the data presented, even if this was not the main objective in the study at hand. We conclude that when participation is successful, it may have beneficial side effects. Chief among these are that participation may improve children's safety, increase the success of care arrangements and increase feelings of well‐being for children involved. Evidence for long‐term effects of successful or failed participation attempts on subsequent health outcomes is however largely absent.  相似文献   
807.
Chan TH  Chan FM  Tin AF  Chow AY  Chan CL 《Omega》2006,54(1):67-78
This study reports the results of a survey on death preparation, death-related beliefs, and death anxiety in a Hong Kong sample. Respondents (N = 285) recruited from the community were asked if they have prepared for themselves a life insurance, a will, and a resting place (e.g. burial site, columbarium, etc.). Questions about their death-related cultural beliefs and anxiety were also asked. Results indicated that respondents who have thought of preparing for their own deaths but not yet acted out (contemplators) held stronger traditional cultural beliefs about death than respondents who have either done the preparations (planners) or never thought of the idea (non-contemplators). Contemplators also reported higher death anxiety. Despite limitations of the study's design, the current results suggest the beliefs in cultural taboo may play a role in the preparation for one's death.  相似文献   
808.
生态女性主义一词由法国学者迪邦娜(Franqoised’Eaubonne)在1974年所创,它结合了女性主义与生态运动的反思。生态女性主义虽然在西方已流行了30年,但是在华文世界中仍缺乏专著和较深入的讨论。电子女性主义(cyberfeminism)者哈乐葳(DonnaHaraway)提出以有机机械人(cyborg)作为未来女性主义的象征,女性主义者若需要启发的话,应该向前看,从科技和有机机械人的形象寻找启示,而非回到古老的属灵生态女性主义(SpiritualEcofeminism)。虽然两种女性主义看似大相径庭,但电子女性主义可以帮助生态女性主义走出自然/文化、人类/动物,甚至是男性/女性的二元思想。较哈乐葳的有机机械人和西方神话的女神,中国化的观世音更加适合作为生态女性主义的象征。从观世音出发可以发现,法国哲学家德勒兹(Gilles Deleuze)的转化生成与生态伦理具有密切关系。  相似文献   
809.
Though many studies address the role of religion in predicting social attitudes over time, none has examined this relationship specifically for euthanasia. Using a large, nationally representative data source, this study seeks to address this void. Our findings indicate that considerable differences exist among religious denominations regarding the legalization of euthanasia. Specifically, we note a liberalizing trend for all included denominations. We also demonstrate substantial differences in the rates of liberalization, particularly in comparison to conservative Protestants. We conclude with an assessment of our findings relative to previous studies on religion and public opinion.
Benjamin E. MoultonEmail:
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810.
Objective. This study examines whether women's electoral fortunes in Australia have improved in line with changing social norms over the past century. We use new strategies to explore whether female candidates face discrimination by the voting public, or by political parties' preselection systems. Methods. Using data from all elections to the House of Representatives between 1903 and 2004, we examine the relationship between candidates' gender and their share of the vote. We consider the electoral performances of female independent candidates, female incumbents, and female candidates from the Australian Labor Party (after 2001) in order to determine whether the bias against female candidates is driven by voters or preselectors. We also make use of gender pay gap and attitudinal data to examine how the ballot box penalty has shifted in line with changing social norms. Results. We find that the vote share of female candidates is 0.6 percentage points smaller than that of male candidates (for major parties, the gap widens to 1.5 percentage points), but find little evidence that the party preselection system is responsible for the voting bias against women. Over time, the gap between male and female candidates has shrunk considerably as a result of changes in social norms (as proxied by the gender pay gap and attitudinal data) and the share of female candidates running nationwide. Conclusions. A statistically significant gender penalty has been a consistent feature of Australian federal elections since 1903. The penalty against female candidates has narrowed since the 1980s, and this bias lies with the voting public rather than with the political parties themselves. We find little evidence that party‐based affirmative action policies have reduced the gender penalty against female candidates.  相似文献   
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