Political Institutions,Elites, and Territorial Identity Formation in Belgium

Territorial identities in Belgium require a political rather than a cultural or structural explanation. The forces behind the development of identities in Flanders, Wallonia, Brussels and the German-speaking area are similar to the ones that produced the Belgian identity they are challenging. Political institutions and elites are at the heart of the process of territorial identity formation in Belgium. The emergence of Walloon and Flemish identities in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was the by-product of a struggle between the dominant French-speaking bourgeoisie and the traditional Flemish lower bourgeoisie within the institutional context of the early Belgian state. Transformations in the party system and reforms to political-territorial institutions in the last 40 years have strengthened these identities and created entirely new ones.     

Is Less More? Number of Siblings and Frequency of Maternal Activities with Preschool Children

ABSTRACT

We use the German Socio-Economic Panel to investigate to what extent the number of siblings has on the frequency of cognitively stimulating activities mothers undertake with their children aged 2 to 3 and 5 to 6. The resource dilution model assumes that this relationship should be negative. We introduce the resource augmentation hypothesis and argue that increasing sibship size can also have a positive effect when efficiency gains, the public good character of maternal activities, reallocation of maternal time, and child care by older siblings are considered. Our results from intraindividual and between family analyses suggest that resource dilution is unavoidable in large families, but that resource-augmenting processes are also at work. The relationship between the number of siblings and activity frequency is not linear and can be reversed from negative to positive in smaller families depending on the presence of younger siblings.     

Testosterone and erectile physiology

The role of testosterone deficiency in sexual dysfunction is an important aspect of aging, because it affects such a large proportion of men over 50 years old. A number of age-related factors can cause sexual dysfunction (in particular erectile dysfunction) and testosterone deficiency, such as chronic illness and multiple medications, and the causative link between hypogonadism and erectile dysfunction is still debated. However, studies in castrated animals have proven that addition of testosterone, and its conversion to dihydrotestosterone, can restore erectile function. It appears that testosterone achieves this by peripheral mechanisms (endothelial dependent and independent) and central mechanisms. Testosterone replacement therapy is therefore effective for erectile dysfunction in men with hypogonadism, with success rates of 35–40%. Testosterone supplementation is also important in men who fail on phosphodiesterase type-5 inhibitors, because a minimum plasma concentration of testosterone is required for the successful restoration of erectile function with these agents. Testosterone gels are now the preferred formulation for testosterone supplementation and they can be highly beneficial in a proportion of men with erectile dysfunction.     

Becoming Global (Un)Civil Society: Counter-Hegemonic Struggle and the Indymedia Network

In this article we ask how ‘civil society’ actors and organizations can become constructed and treated as ‘uncivil society’. We contest the notion that ‘uncivil’ necessarily equates with the dark qualities of violence and organized criminality. Instead, we take a Gramscian perspective in suggesting that what becomes ‘uncivil’ is any practice and organization that substantially contests the structuring enclosures of hegemonic order, of which civil society is a necessary part. To trace this, we consider ways in which a global grass-roots media network called Indymedia has established and maintained itself as a counter-hegemonic media-producing organization. In this case, a conscious positioning and self-identification as counter-hegemonic has been accompanied by the framing and sometimes violent policing of nodes and practices of this network as ‘uncivil’ by cooperating state authorities. This is in the absence of association of this network with organized violence or crime. We intend our reflections to contribute to a deepening theorization of the terms ‘civil’ and ‘uncivil’ as they are becoming used in social movement and globalization studies.

En este artículo preguntamos cómo pueden los actores de la ‘sociedad civil’ y las organizaciones llegar a configurarse y ser tratados como ‘sociedad incivil’. Nosotros refutamos la noción de que lo ‘incivil’ necesariamente equivale a las características oscuras de violencia y criminalidad organizada. En cambio, tomamos una perspectiva de Gramscian, sugiriendo que lo que se vuelve ‘incivil’ es cualquier práctica y organización que refuta sustancialmente los confinamientos estructurados del orden hegemónico, del cual la sociedad civil es una parte necesaria. Para rastrear esto, nosotros consideramos las formas en que una red de medios de base popular llamada Indymedia se ha establecido y mantenido a sí misma como una organización contrahegemónica de producción de medios. En este caso, un posicionamiento consciente y de autoidentificación como contrahegemónica, ha sido acompañado por la configuración y a veces por vigilancia violenta de nodos y prácticas de esta red como ‘incivil’ al cooperar con las autoridades estatales. Esto es en ausencia de una asociación de esta red con la violencia o la delincuencia. Nosotros pretendemos que nuestras reflexiones contribuyan a profundizar la teorización de los términos ‘civil’ e ‘incivil’ en la medida en que se están usando en los estudios sobre movimientos sociales y globalización.

在本文中我们设问“公民社会”的行为者和组织如何被建构并被视作一个“非公民社会”。本文对“非公民”必然等同于暴力和有组织犯罪的黑暗性质这一概念提出质疑。本文取而代之采用一种葛兰西式的分析,即认为造成“非公民”的是本质上挑战霸权秩序（公民社会是其必要部分）的任何行动或组织。为了求证,我们考察一家叫“独立媒体”的全球草根媒体网络确立并维护其作为一个反霸权媒体生产组织的方式。其中,伴随着一种反霸权的刻意定位和自我认同的,是与之合作的国家当局形塑甚至有时狂暴地管束这一网络的节点和实践,视其为“非公民”。这表明该网络和有组织暴力或犯罪之间缺乏关联。本文意在当“公民的”及“非公民的”概念被用于社会运动和全球化研究时,使我们的反思在能有助于加深这两个术语的理论化。     

Present in the World Economy: Québec's Students in the Springtime

Abstract

On February 13th, 2012, a coalition of student federations in Québec called for an unlimited general strike against government plans to increase university tuition fees by 75% over 5 years. Charged by a sense of themselves as actors on a global stage, social forces in Québec made common cause of their struggle – precipitating what grew into the most significant season of social protest in Québec's modern history. Fearing the ghost of global crowds, governments reacted with impolitic intransigence, leaving themselves exposed and with no other recourse but to reach out of the encounter and call a general election.

The printemps québécois is an event that took place in its own time and fashion, in the context of a world-wide wave of protest against neo-liberal world order. Looking into it, we are offered an opportunity to think more generally about the possibilities of resistance to neo-liberal disciplining.

En febrero 13 de 2012, una coalición de federaciones de estudiantes de Quebec, convocó a una huelga general ilimitada contra los planes del gobierno de subir las matrículas universitarias en un 75% durante 5 años. Las fuerzas sociales en Quebec hicieron de su lucha una causa común – sintiéndose ellos mismos como actores en una escena global, precipitando lo que se convirtió en una de las temporadas más significativas de protesta social en la historia moderna de Quebec. Temiendo por el fantasma de las multitudes globales, los gobiernos reaccionaron con una intransigencia impolítica, exponiéndose y sin otro recurso que mantenerse fuera del encuentro y convocando una elección general. La primavera de Quebec es un evento que tuvo lugar en su propio momento y estilo, en el contexto de una ola de protesta mundial contra el orden del mundo neoliberal. Analizándolo, se nos ha ofrecido la oportunidad de pensar más generalmente sobre las posibilidades de resistencia a la disciplina neoliberal.

2012年2月13日,魁北克学生联合会的一个同盟呼吁无期限大罢工,反对政府计划在未来5年让大学学费增加75%的计划。以全球舞台上的行动者自据,魁北克的社会力量集体斗争——引来了在魁北克现当代历史上最有意义的社会抗议季节。 由于担心示威扩大到全球,政府做出不让步的反应,使得魁北克的社会力量别无选择只得放下工作并号召大罢工。Printempsquébécois指的是在世界范围的抗议新自由主义世界秩序浪潮中发生的一个事件。 通过考察这一事件,我们提供了一个更进一步地思考抵制新自由主义统治的可能性的机会。.

?? 13 ??????/???? 2012? ??? ?????? ????????? ???????? ?? ????? ??? ????? ??? ????? ???????? ??? ??? ??????? ?????? ?????? ???????? ????? 75 ?????? ??? ???? ??? ?????. ??? ??? ????? ?????????? ?? ?????? ????? ?? ??????? ?????? ???? ????? ??? ?????? ???????? ??? ????? ?????? ??? ???? ???? ?? ???????? ??? ????? ?????? ??????? ???? ???? ???? ??? ????? ???? ???? ?????????? ?????????? ?? ????? ????? ??????. ??? ?? ??? ??????? ????? ??????? ??????? ??????? ?? ??? ?????? ??????? ?? ????? ???? ?? ??????? ??? ??? ?????? ??????? ??? ??? ?????? ?? ???? ??? ?????? ?? ???????? ??????? ??? ???????? ????. ????? “???? ?????” ????? ????? ??????? ?? ?????? ???????? ???? ?? ??? ???? ?? ???? ???? ?????? ?? ?????????? ??? ?????? ???????????? ?? ??????. ????? ?????? ?? ??? ????? ????? ??????? ???? ???? ?????? ?? ??????? ???????? ?????? ????????????.

2012? 2? 13? ?? ??????? ?? 5? ?? ?? ???? 75% ???? ?? ??? ???? ??? ???? ?????. ??? ????? ???? ???? ??? ???? ??? ?? ??? ?? ???? ?? ??? ??? ???? ?? ??? ?????. ??? ????? ???? ??????, ??? ??? ????? ?? ??? ??? ??? ??? ??? ?? ???, ??? ?? ??? ??????? ??? ????? ?????. ??? ?? ?????? ??? ???? ? ???? ??? ???? ? ??? ??? ??? ??? ????. ??? ?? ??? ??? ??, ??? ?????? ??? ?? ??? ???? ??? ? ? ????? ??? ? ?? ??? ?? ??.

13 февраля 2012 коалиция студенческих федераций в Квебеке призвала к неограниченной всеобщей забастовке против правительственных планов увеличить плату за обучение в университетах на 75% в течение 5 лет. Ощущая себя актерами на глобальной арене, социальные силы в Квебеке действовали сообща в их борьбе – осаждение, что превратилось в самый существенный сезон социального протеста в современной истории Квебека. Опасаясь призрака глобальной толпы, правительства реагировали с нецелесообразной непримиримостью, оставляя себя незащищенными и без другого выхода, кроме как выйти из столкновения и назначить всеобщие выборы. Кленовая весна Квебека, в контексте всемирной волны протеста против неолиберального мирового порядка, является событием своего времени и моды. Изучая его, предоставляется возможность думать больше и шире о возможностях сопротивления неолиберальной дисциплине.     

Parent Involvement Practices in Child Protection: A Matter of Know-How and Attitude

Modern view of child protection services implies that to help young people, simply intervening on their behalf is not sufficient. It suggests that involving parents in the assistance process is essential in order to ensure that they are most likely to play their role as parents to their children in the fullest possible way. Although several articles have dealt with the issue of parent involvement, very few have attempted to document the practices used by practitioners to encourage such involvement. This article presents the findings of a study on child protection practices for involving parents in a child protection context. It is exploratory in nature, and uses a qualitative methodology. The study population is made up of 38 child protection service workers. An analysis of the practitioners’ discourse reveals that the behaviour and attitudes used by them to encourage parent involvement are very diverse. There also appear to be key moments in securing their involvement, that is, making contact, setting objectives and means of action, and applying the case plan. In addition to corroborating earlier studies on the issue of parent involvement, our findings indicate that the majority of the caseworkers interviewed practice an approach that aims to empower clients.Funding of this project was provided by le Fonds Richelieu de recherche sur l’enfance.Marie-Christine Saint-Jacques, Geneviève Lessard, and André Beaudoin are affiliated with School of Social Work, Laval University, Quebec, Canada. Sylvie Drapeau is affiliated with Department of Foundations and Practices in Education, Laval University, Quebec, Canada.     

One-sided asymptotic inferences for a proportion

Two-sided asymptotic confidence intervals for an unknown proportion p have been the subject of a great deal of literature. Surprisingly, there are very few papers devoted, like this article, to the case of one tail, despite its great importance in practice and the fact that its behavior is usually different from that of the case with two tails. This paper evaluates 47 methods and concludes that (1) the optimal method is the classic Wilson method with a correction for continuity and (2) a simpler option, almost as good as the first, is the new adjusted Wald method (Wald's classic method applied to the data increased in the values proposed by Borkowf: adding a single imaginary failure or success).     

A Gaussian alternative to using improper confidence intervals

The problem posed by exact confidence intervals (CIs) which can be either all-inclusive or empty for a nonnegligible set of sample points is known to have no solution within CI theory. Confidence belts causing improper CIs can be modified by using margins of error from the renewed theory of errors initiated by J. W. Tukey—briefly described in the article—for which an extended Fraser's frequency interpretation is given. This approach is consistent with Kolmogorov's axiomatization of probability, in which a probability and an error measure obey the same axioms, although the connotation of the two words is different. An algorithm capable of producing a margin of error for any parameter derived from the five parameters of the bivariate normal distribution is provided. Margins of error correcting Fieller's CIs for a ratio of means are obtained, as are margins of error replacing Jolicoeur's CIs for the slope of the major axis. Margins of error using Dempster's conditioning that can correct optimal, but improper, CIs for the noncentrality parameter of a noncentral chi-square distribution are also given.     

Happiness and capability: Introduction to the symposium

The aim of this symposium is to move beyond the established, narrow measures of well-being. It does so by bringing together insights from the happiness approach and the capability approach, both of which are at the forefront of theorizing on welfare in economics. The reason is that the connection happiness–capability is extremely stimulating and potentially able of opening up a very promising field of research. For this purpose, the symposium consists of overview papers by leading scholars and practitioners and of papers dealing with key conceptual and empirical issues on the frontier of combined happiness and capability research.