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231.
Abstract

In this article, I develop a critical analysis of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) agenda and its commitment to ‘leave no one behind’. The Preamble to the Resolution on the SDGs adopted by the United Nations General Assembly stated the following: ‘We are resolved to free the human race from the tyranny of poverty and want and to heal and secure our planet. (…) As we embark on this collective journey, we pledge that no one will be left behind’. Through a close examination of the SDG initiative—and aligned concrete policy proposals—I demonstrate that the project to ‘leave no one behind’ rests on specific ideological premises: it is designed to promote and consolidate a highly contested neo-liberal variant of capitalist development. The SDGs are framed as a universal project, with quite substantial institutional monitoring mechanisms aimed at ensuring the successful implementation of aligned policies. Indeed, as I demonstrate, the implementation of highly contested neoliberal policies are themselves explicit goals of the SDG agenda. In this respect, the SDGs differ significantly from the Millennium Development Goal initiative. The argument I develop demonstrates that the SDG agenda may be aimed in part at undermining political struggles that aspire for more socially just and ecologically sustainable approaches to development. Overall, I argue that the explicit commitment to ‘leave no one behind’ is a discourse that is strategically deployed to justify the implementation of a highly problematic political project as the framework of global development. This is a framework that privileges commercial interests over commitments to provide universal entitlements to address fundamental life-sustaining needs. Political struggles over development will continue against the ideology of the SDG project and for transformative shifts for actually sustainable development.  相似文献   
232.
Abstract. This paper analyses effects of population aging on the labor market and determines their broad implications for public policy. It takes Germany as an example, but it equally applies to the other large economies in Continental Europe. The paper argues that, alongside the amply discussed, demographically‐determined increase in the contribution and tax burden which is responsible for the ever widening gap between gross and disposable earnings, two other important areas of policy deserve greater attention. First, it is unlikely that the decline in the relative size of the economically active population will be offset by higher capital intensity. Labor productivity will need to increase over and above this mechanism in order to compensate for the impact of population aging on domestic production. Hence, we will need more education and training to speed up human capital formation. Second, the shift in the age structure will also change the structure of demand for goods. This, in turn, will have large effects on the pattern of employment across different sectors of the economy and will require a substantial increase in labor mobility in order to accommodate these structural changes.  相似文献   
233.
I analyze three case studies of marriage equality activism and marriage equality–based groups after the passage of Proposition 8 in California. Evaluating the JoinTheImpact protests of 2008, the LGBTQ rights group GetEQUAL, and the group One Struggle One Fight, I argue that these groups revise queer theoretical arguments about marriage equality activism as by definition assimilationist, homonormative, and single-issue. In contrast to such claims, the cases studied here provide a snapshot of heterogeneous, intersectional, and coalition-based social justice work in which creative methods of protest, including direct action and flash mobs, are deployed in militant ways for marriage rights and beyond.  相似文献   
234.
We investigate the degree of leeway donors of foreign aid should grant to recipient governments when their preferences over how to implement the aid are different, and both the donor and recipient possess some private information about the most effective policies. Intuitively, our model shows that donors should stay in control of how their aid is spent when their own private information is more important than the private information of the recipient. Less obviously, an increase in the difference of preferences between donors and recipients can increase rather than decrease the leeway that donors should grant the recipients, as the recipients' information gains in importance relative to those of the donors, and recipients become less likely to communicate truthfully. We test the model using dyadic data for 28 bilateral aid donors and 112 recipients, over the 1995–2010 period. Our proxy for “centralized” aid is project aid, while budget aid leaves more leeway to the recipient and thus proxies for “decentralized” aid. In line with the model, misaligned interests and informational asymmetries indeed influence the shares of aid given as budget and project aid. (JEL C23, D82, F33,O1)  相似文献   
235.
Weber DO 《Physician executive》2011,37(4):4-7, 10, 12 passim
  相似文献   
236.
The successful foundation of entrepreneurial firms comprises a multitude of complementary human tasks. The effect of founders’ human capital on firm success hinges on the information structure that prevails when nascent entrepreneurs are matched in partnerships. Empirically, we assume that rational matching occurs in incubated spin-offs and corporate-sponsored ventures. The human capital structure in such firms significantly differs from that of Greenfield projects. Using coarsened exact matching (CEM), we compute weights to level out these differences in human capital endowments. The impact of corporate support in founding the new firm is positive and increases as CEM-weights are applied to more of our human capital variables.  相似文献   
237.
In the frame of corporate social responsibility, corporate volunteering is almost exclusively studied from the point of view of companies, while the perspectives of nonprofit organizations are neglected. Hence, this article focuses on the perspective of managers of nonprofit organizations on volunteer partnership projects with for‐profit companies. In the center of this article lie nonprofit managers' strategy and motivation for participating in corporate volunteering, conception of corporate volunteer activities, and the often‐cited win‐win‐win aspect. Key findings suggest that a majority of the questioned nonprofits lack strategic behavior and management tools for undertaking volunteer partnership projects with companies. Nevertheless, corporate volunteering is widely perceived as an opportunity and a promising method of raising donations for nonprofit organizations. This article suggests that the key to successful future cooperation between nonprofits and profit‐oriented organizations lies in the processes of internal evaluation and subsequent strategy development.  相似文献   
238.
This study examined the moderating role of timing of first discussion of sexual intercourse with mothers and fathers on the relationship between the amount of sexual communication and sexual risk‐taking behaviors in late adolescence. Late adolescents (N = 214) completed questionnaire measures regarding the amount and timing of sexual communication with their mothers and fathers. In addition, the participants provided information about their various sexual risk‐taking behaviors. In general, the results suggest that timing of first discussion of sexual intercourse contributes additional variance in several sexually risky behaviors beyond that contributed by the amount of communication with both fathers and mothers. The implications of these findings are discussed.  相似文献   
239.
Less than two months after 11 September 2001, and a few weeks after the beginning of the US bombing campaign in Afghanistan, President George W. Bush made an urgent plea to see Iranian filmmaker Mohsen Makhmalbaf's Kandahar. Not only did the President want to see Kandahar; he encouraged US citizens to view it as well. This article offers two readings of Kandahar – the first suggestive of what its filmmaker Makhmalbaf saw in Afghanistan and the second suggestive of what Bush saw (or hoped to see) in Makhmalbaf's Afghanistan. In particular, this article focuses on how the Bush administration – against the intentions of Kandahar's director and star – propelled occidental subjects to ‘lift the veil’ on Afghanistan and on Afghan women by viewing Kandahar as if it positioned the feminine as a needy and willing object of US rescue. It was in part by laying this particular claim to the separated sisters of Kandahar that the Bush administration constructed a humanitarian US ‘we’ as among the foundations of its ‘moral grammar of war’ in the war on terror.  相似文献   
240.
Several significant changes in the diagnostic criteria for gambling disorder occurred with the newest revision of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5). The changes aim to simplify and streamline the diagnosis without compromising its validity. Yet many of the tools used to screen and diagnose the disorder are based upon the prior fourth edition of the DSM, and it is unclear how they perform with the revised diagnostic criteria. The aim of this study is to examine the psychometric properties of a common pathological gambling screen, the Brief Biosocial Gambling Screen (BBGS; Gebauer, LaBrie, & Shaffer, 2010), in the context of DSM-5 criteria within a help-seeking sample. Gamblers calling a helpline (N = 2750) completed a semi-structured interview assessing DSM-IV past-year pathological gambling criteria with a trained clinician. Sensitivity, specificity, positive predictive value, negative predictive value and differences by sex were examined. The BBGS had high sensitivity as well as positive and negative predictive values. In light of the revisions made to the diagnostic criteria in DSM-5, the BBGS remains a psychometrically supported instrument for gambling disorder.  相似文献   
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