中西方城市文明比较研究

中西方不同时期的城市文明成果,凸现的是人的知识、能力、智慧和创造,是人的进化和文明在城市文明上的反映。如果说“城市文明”的概念强调和展示的是“城市文明”演进的自然逻辑(其中蕴含着人在不同时期对城市文明的贡献),那么“文明城市”概念突出的则是人对城市文明的自觉意识、自觉活动、自觉创造,当代中国各大城市开展的文明城市建设,体现了当代中国人对城市文明的自觉追求。     

后现代社会的消费文化及其审美特征

王宁认为,消费文化是后现代消费社会特有的产物,与现代主义的精英文化有着明显的差别;它的一部分格调高雅的产品有可能被提升为精英文化产品,但更多的产品则会随着时光的流逝而成为过眼云烟。王一川指出,中国当前消费文化并没有简单地按费瑟斯通所铺设的"商品世界及其结构化"大道迈进,多重文化因子在其中起着复杂的拉动作用,形成彼此错时或错位关联,因而使出现了身体在热烈消费而头脑却在冷峻思考的悖谬现象。包亚明认为,消费主义的逻辑不仅成为了社会运用空间的逻辑,而且也成为了主导日常生活的文化逻辑;在全球城市的风景背后,精英阶层的消费文化"诉求"已经被合理化、自然化为与世界接轨的先决条件。陆扬认为,消费文化的全球化面临着美国文化主导其中这个难以回避的问题,假如认为美国文化纯粹是由图像和声响刺激起来的消费主义,那将是过低估计了它对中国文化发扬光大自身民族传统构成的挑战。     

治道变革:公共利益实现机制的根本转变

从公共利益的实现机制来看 ,政府不是公益物品的惟一提供者 ,它应该在公共利益的实现机制中承担“掌舵”的角色。为了更好地发挥政府在实现公共利益过程中的作用 ,西方国家政府正在积极推行新公共管理运动。我国政府也在经历深刻的治道变革 ,具体内容体现在民主化改革、市场化改革和政府自身的改革等三个方面。     

对转型时期军校大学英语教学模式的思考

当前,军队院校正处在教育转型的特殊时期。为了深化大学英语教学改革,培养军校学生的英语综合应用能力,本文以解放军理工大学大学英语教学为例,探讨如何改革军校的大学英语教学模式,并就教材、教学方法与测试手段、实行分级教学等方面提出了教学改革方案。     

利用外资与被外资利用——论外资对我国流动性过剩的影响及金融风险防范

"流动性过剩"已成为现今困扰中国政府和中国经济健康发展的最令人头痛的问题。流动性过剩的表面原因是人民币外汇占款规模过大,而深层原因则是人民币升值预期被外资所利用。巨额游资以贸易、投资为掩护,甚至通过地下非法渠道涌入境内。在期待人民币升值带来丰厚利益的同时,这些国际热钱在国内四处寻找任何可能的获利机会,股市、房地产成为其炒作的首选目标。破解流动性过剩,必须采取综合配套政策措施,一方面要尽快解决国际收支失衡问题,另一方面要疏导国内资金的投资渠道。     

新诗传播与经典化

鸦片战争以后，现代报刊、出版、教育等的迅猛发展改变一了诗歌的传播方式和运行机制，使诗歌从传统的应酬唱和、交际游戏的个人自遣之作转变成为面向大众的公共言说，从庙堂、“沙龙”走向大众、民间，从教化转向启蒙。新诗经典的确立，受到传播方式整体变迁的制约和影响。相当程度上讲，新诗经典化是在新诗传播过程中完成的。一、报刊发表:新诗出场与现代品格的孕育文学发生牵涉诸多相关因素，刊物发表作为文本、媒体与读者传播机制中的重要环节，无疑是其中极具活力者。晚清以降，伴随着新式印刷技术的引进，报刊媒介大幅度增加并批量生…     

试析价值论研究的人道主义底蕴

价值论研究的是人对外界物满足自身需要的评价。康德提出人的需要的满足应合乎道德 ;马克思将人的最高需要确定为自由而全面的发展 ;现代西方哲学以理性主义或非理性主义的方式关心人 ;当代环境伦理学把价值观念扩展到生物和生态系统 ;在我国 ,邓小平将人民利益确立为全社会最高的价值标准 ;可持续发展价值观也体现了以人的自身发展为中心的意向。这些都说明了价值论研究与人道主义的密切联系     

Positive Illusions and the Necessity of a Bright Line Forbidding Psychologist Involvement in Detainee Interrogations

The authors commend Costanzo, Gerrity, and Lykes (2007) and their cogent summary of a number of ethical and scientific considerations relevant to evaluating the proper role of psychologists in national security interrogations of so-called "enemy combatants." From their careful analysis they derive a series of recommendations for the American Psychological Association (APA) and other psychology-related associations, all of which are quite powerful. While supporting these recommendations, the authors also argue that the logic and evidence presented by Costanzo et al. imply, in current legal, political, and organizational circumstances, that psychologists should play no role in the interrogations process. The authors propose that a "bright line" should separate the profession of psychology completely from national security interrogations. The argument is based partly upon ethical considerations, on the practical knowledge available for documenting psychologist participation in interrogations as members of the so-called Behavioral Science Consultation Teams (BSCTs) at Guantánamo, evidence from other locations and sources, and equally upon the social psychological research regarding the interrogation process so adroitly summarized by Costanzo et al.     

New Labour, Work and the Family

New Labour has put support for the family at the core of its notion of the “strong community”. Across a range of policy areas the Labour government can be seen to be developing a direct and explicit family policy. But what kind of community is the government trying to shape by these policies? On the one hand, Labour appears to support the family as the basis of a more moral, dutiful and cohesive community. On the other hand, the government has given weight to policies that support social inclusion in the community through paid work. This paper examines whether there is a tension in Labour’s social policies between its emphasis on the importance of stable family life and the primacy given to paid work. Are critics like Ruth Levitas right when they argue that the government’s emphasis on paid work devalues, and is unsupportive of, unpaid work, especially caring for children and other family members? Alternatively, can this combination of communitarianisms—community as “stable family” and community as “paid work”—be seen to be marking out some “third way” on the family? We shall show that different aspects of the government’s family policies reflect different perspectives and policy agendas within New Labour and third‐way thinking more broadly. And while recognizing the tensions between work and the family, we shall suggest that they are often overstated and fail to give sufficient weight to the complementary aspects of Labour’s welfare reforms.