西方怀疑主义认识论的历史演进与思维方式

西方怀疑论起源于古希腊的普罗泰戈拉,这是人类第一次对知识的普遍有效性的置疑。皮浪的否定一切知识的可能性的不可知论是古代怀疑论的最后结论。值得一提的是,由笛卡尔所倡导的近代理性哲学以研究知识的可靠性和l必然性为己任,却是从普遍怀疑开始的。英国哲学家体谟在总结前人的基础上,把其先辈洛克的经验主义原则义无反顾地贯彻到底,从而得出了否定因果关系和归纳原理的怀疑论,大哲学家康德“梦醒之后”.更是提出了“没有认识论的本体论无效”的结论,进而严肃认真地考察了人的认识能力,因此形成了彪炳于西方哲学史的认识论思想。从普罗泰戈拉到康德,“怀疑”已经从对事物的置疑发展成为批判地认识和把握事物的思维方式,它对于我们这个讲求创新的时代,具有很强的理论意义与现实意义。     

入世后我国财政补贴政策的调整对策

加入WTO后,我国的财政补贴政策要按照市场经济和WTO有关规则,特别是《补贴与反补贴协议》的要求进行相应的调整,以适应WTO更加市场化的需要。从理论上来说,我国财政补贴政策的调整具体要按照WTO规则对补贴的分类并结合我国的具体实际来进行。因此,我国财政补贴政策的调整应纳入到WTO环境下来考虑,在准确把握WTO有关补贴规则的基础上,深入研究其他成员国的补贴政策,充分利用WTO在补贴方面给予发展中国家的特殊优惠。同时还要不断完善我国财政补贴政策的补贴重点,改进财政补贴转移支付机制,提高财政资金的利用效率。     

Affect and cognition in the context of home: The quest for intangibles

The three papers in this special issue represent an important advance in the effort to understand people's attachment to place. Economic factors do not provide an adequate explanation; it is necessary to seek less tangible influences. There are grounds for looking to the physical setting, and especially the natural environment available to residents. Access to other resources may also be important. And group affiliation can impact both cognitive and affective aspects of the attachment process. In terms of future research to better understand these intangibles, it may help to focus on the sense of place, the factors that make an environment psychologically comfortable. Three variables are proposed as researchable facets of the sense of place: (1) legibility, (2) the perception of and preference for the visual environment, and (3) the compatibility of the setting with human purposes.Requests for reprints should be mailed to Dr. Stephen Kaplan, Department of Psychology, Psychological Laboratories, Mason Hall, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI 48109     

Gender differences in patterns of publication in leading sociology journals, 1960–1985

This paper examines the impact of the recent feminization of the sociological profession on gender differences in patterns of publication in leading sociology journals. Our findings show that women are better represented in the leading journals in an absolute sense, but continue to be underrepresented relative to men. Moreover, while women are better represented in the leading journals than in the past, they more often occupy marginal locations within the structure of the discipline. Finally, we discuss the likely implications of the feminization of sociology on the production of knowledge within the discipline as a whole. His interests include social theory, stratification, organizations, and the sociology of science. His interests include criminology, criminal justice, and the sociology of science. Ann M. Rotchford is a doctoral candidate in sociology at the State University of New York at Stony Brook. Her interests include organizations and sex stratification. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 1988 Southern Sociological Society meetings.     

Sociology and Literature: Theoretical Considerations

The authors' discussion of the theoretical issues implied in interdisciplinary studies of sociology and literature is based on their analyses of selected works of sociology, literary theory, and cultural criticism produced during the past twenty years. Attempts to integrate the areas of sociology and literature have resulted in three general approaches: sociology through literature, the sociology of literature, and the study of sociology and literature based on their common dependence on language. The authors analyze the theoretical issues and assumptions that underlie each of these approaches in order to suggest a way to study sociology and literature which retains the richness and complexity of both disciplines.     

Male-female differences in the potential for union growth outside traditionally unionized industries

Using recent NLS data on preferences for union representation, this paper examines whether differences by sex exist in the potential for union organizing outside of traditionally unionized industries. The methodology distinguishes between workers’ preferences for union representation and the relative supply of union jobs in explaining interindustry differences in the extent of unionization. Within the private sector, women employed in industries other than those traditionally unionized are found to have at least as strong a preference for unionization as do comparable men but a considerably lower opportunity for unionized employment given the desire for union representation. Comparing the public sector with traditionally organized industries, the greater extent of unionization in the public sector is largely explained by a stronger desire for union representation on the part of both male and female public sector employees. The helpful comments of Rodney Fort, Daniel Hamermesh, Robert Hutchens, and Jon Sonstelie on an earlier draft of the paper are gratefully acknowledged.     

Proportional hazards models: a latent competing risk approach

We propose a novel semiparametric version of the widely used proportional hazards survival model. Features include an arbitrarily rich class of continuous base-line hazards, an attractive epidemiological interpretation of the hazard as a latent competing risk model and trivial handling of censoring. Models are fitted by using a data augmentation scheme. The methodology is applied to a data set recording times to first hospitalization following clinical diagnosis of acquired immune deficiency syndrome for a sample of 169 patients.     

POLITICAL MODELS OF THE BUSINESS CYCLE SHOULD BE REVIVED

Political models of the business cycle have typically been ignored because they appear inconsistent with rational behavior and because empirical evidence is inconclusive. This paper addresses the second issue, demonstrating for U.S. real GNP, unemployment, and inflation that electoral cycles (persistent patterns across electoral terms) are significant, but apparently only for Republican incumbents, and that partisan cycles (persistent differences between parties) are also significant. These findings are consistent with the conjecture that a minority party is more constrained by electoral concerns, whereas a majority party is freer to pursue partisan objectives.