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541.
542.
Rene R. Rocha Thomas Longoria Robert D. Wrinkle Benjamin R. Knoll J. L. Polinard James Wenzel 《Social science quarterly》2011,92(1):1-19
Objective. We examine how the immigration policy preferences of Anglos and Latinos vary according to ethnic context. Specifically, we hypothesize that immigration policy attitudes are a product of both Latino immigrant and Latino native born group size. In contrast to previous work, which found that Latinos and Anglos react to contextual forces in an identical manner, we argue that Latino group size produces opposite reactions for Anglos and Latinos. Methods. These hypotheses are tested using an original state‐wide survey of Anglos and Latinos in Texas conducted during 2006, which is supplemented with data from the 2000 Census. Results. Our findings show that residing in a heavily Latino area produces more liberal immigration attitudes among Latinos and more conservative attitudes among Anglos. However, this result is driven not by the size of the foreign‐born Latino population, but by the size of the native‐born Latino population. Conclusion. Anti‐immigrant sentiments among Anglos appear to result, at least in part, from ethnic concerns. 相似文献
543.
Benjamin B. Ringer 《Journal of Social Distress and the Homeless》2013,22(4):325-341
The political conflicts between Taiwan and the Mainland have progressed, for over 50 years, from the historical “hot civil war” for the “exclusive ownership” of one China’s territorial sovereignty to the contemporary “cold rhetoric circularity” around the “geopolitical symbolism” of the one-Chinaprinciple. In the process, the United States has been intimately entangled in the disputes in terms of 3 alignment stages-from an “unambiguous pro-Taiwan” before the 1970s, the “ambiguous neutrality” in the early 1970s, to the contemporary “pro-Mainland China.” Despite the fact that during the past 3 decades the United States honored the arms sales and the Taiwan Relations Act commitments in Taiwan’s favor, and simultaneously conferred the “3 Nos” and 3 communiques in Mainland China’s favor, the cross-Strait tensions have persisted without the prospect of a definitive foreseeable resolution. Further, because of the lack of explicit conception of “one China,” the United States has to constantly resist the opposing persuasions of the 2 sides, and therefore must continue to rely on the “ambiguous dual deterrence strategy” for maintaining the “dynamics balance” over the Taiwan Strait. For such endeavors, the Clinton “4 frameworks” and the Bush “5 Taiwan policies” have proven to be very effective, but mostly to the extent of assuming a “passive” role in preventing military confrontations. 相似文献
544.
G C Benjamin 《Physician executive》2001,27(6):74-76
Seeking to keep his promise to give states more flexibility while expanding health insurance coverage to low-income people, President George W. Bush released a proposal to reform Medicaid and The Children's Health Insurance Program. This initiative, the Health Insurance Flexibility and Accountability Act (HIFA), represents a significant change in Medicaid policy. Whether states will find this proposal a useful tool to expand coverage remains to be seen. 相似文献
545.
Karen Benjamin Guzzo 《Journal of marriage and the family》2009,71(3):632-649
Using data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (N = 781), I examined how father visitation for children born outside of marriage is affected by subsequent maternal relationship formation, focusing on the timing, type, and stability of maternal relationships. Results showed that fathers were most likely to have not seen their child at all when mothers formed a new relationship early in the child's life, especially if the new relationship was coresidential and the partner engaged in activities with the child. Fathers who initially visited their child were more likely to stop visiting their child if an initially unpartnered mother became partnered. Frequency of visitation was not as strongly affected as whether visitation occurred at all. 相似文献
546.
Jason D. Boardman Benjamin W. Domingue Casey L. Blalock Brett C. Haberstick Kathleen Mullan Harris Matthew B. McQueen 《Demography》2014,51(1):119-139
This study uses data from the Framingham Heart Study to examine the relevance of the gene-environment interaction paradigm for genome-wide association studies (GWAS). We use completed college education as our environmental measure and estimate the interactive effect of genotype and education on body mass index (BMI) using 260,402 single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs). Our results highlight the sensitivity of parameter estimates obtained from GWAS models and the difficulty of framing genome-wide results using the existing gene-environment interaction typology. We argue that SNP-environment interactions across the human genome are not likely to provide consistent evidence regarding genetic influences on health that differ by environment. Nevertheless, genome-wide data contain rich information about individual respondents, and we demonstrate the utility of this type of data. We highlight the fact that GWAS is just one use of genome-wide data, and we encourage demographers to develop methods that incorporate this vast amount of information from respondents into their analyses. 相似文献
547.
548.
Dr. Benjamin Balsmeier Prof. Dr. Alexander Dilger Dr. Jörg Lingens 《Zeitschrift für Betriebswirtschaft》2010,80(10):1007-1026
In this article we estimate and analyse hazard rates of executives in DAX-companies. We examine the effects of cross-company personnel interdependencies at the level of executives committees as well as supervisory boards and also use several covariates. Generally, personnel interdependencies raise the fluctuation of executives, such that they cannot be used for entrenchment but indicate improved and more effective corporate governance. However, additional mandates of employee representatives in the supervisory board have no significant effect on the hazard rate of executives. 相似文献
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550.