Harnessing the community sector

The aim of this paper is to evaluate critically the prevailing policy approach that seeks to cultivate the community sector by the ‘third sector’ route of developing existing community-based groups. Analysing the extent and nature of participation in the community sector using both secondary data from the 2000 General Household Survey and primary data from a case study of the community sector in rural England, the finding is that a culture of participation in ‘third sector’ groups is relatively alien to lower-income populations and that such groups are much more used by relatively affluent populations for the purpose of developing their social networks. If the intention of harnessing the community sector is to improve the material circumstances of lower-income populations, a third sector approach of developing existing community-based groups is thus found to be inappropriate. Instead, it is argued that a ‘fourth sector’ approach is required. This seeks to further cultivate the prevailing culture of participation in one-to-one reciprocal exchange that is predominantly used by lower-income populations to improve their material circumstances. The paper concludes by outlining how this might be achieved.     

Barriers to achieving health

The morbidities that affect children who have limited access to health care and who are at risk of failing to reach their optimum health and potential are as much the result of social circumstances as they are the result of an inaccessible health care system. Children growing up in poverty encounter many obstacles that prevent them from seeking or receiving the services of one of the most sophisticated health care industries in the world. A combination of financial barriers, hurdles of distance, inappropriate hours, fragmented and impersonal services, the absence of outreach and follow-up, and cultural differences deprive children of needed services.     

The Provider’s Voice: Patient Satisfaction and the Content-filtered Speech of Nurses and Physicians in Primary Medical Care

Two studies examined vocal affect in medical providers’ and patients’ content-filtered (CF) speech. A digital methodology for content-filtering and a set of reliable global affect rating scales for CF voice were developed. In Study 1, ratings of affect in physicians’ CF voice correlated with patients’ satisfaction, perceptions of choice/control, medication adherence, mental and physical health, and physicians’ satisfaction. In Study 2, ratings of affect in the CF voices of physicians and nurses correlated with their patients’ satisfaction, and the CF voices of nurses and patients reflected their satisfaction. Voice tone ratings of providers and patients were intercorrelated, suggesting reciprocity in their vocal affective communication.     

The immigration–crime relationship: Evidence across US metropolitan areas

Despite popular commentary claiming a link between immigration and crime, empirical research exploring this relationship is sparse. Especially missing from the literature on immigration and crime is a consideration of how immigration affects rates of crime at the macro-level. Although individual-level studies of immigrant criminality and victimization tend to demonstrate that immigrants typically engage in less crime than their native-born counterparts, the effect of immigration on aggregate criminal offending is less clear. In this research, we attempt to address this weakness in the literature by examining the effects of aspects of immigration on crime rates in metropolitan areas. We combine 2000 US Census data and 2000 Uniform Crime Report data to explore how the foreign-born population influences criminal offending across a sample of metropolitan areas. After controlling for a host of demographic and economic characteristics, we find that immigration does not increase crime rates, and some aspects of immigration lessen crime in metropolitan areas.     

A note from the editor

A note from the editor     

Why do people engage in paid informal work? A comparison of higher- and lower-income urban neighbourhoods in Britain

The aim of this paper is to show that the extensive and growing sphere of paid informal work is not the same everywhere. Instead, we identify distinct socio-spatial differences in its character and the reasons why people engage in such work. Drawing upon interviews with 511 households in higher- and lower-income urban neighbourhoods of British cities, we reveal that for people living in the higher-income neighbourhoods, most paid informal work is conducted under social relations akin to formal employment. Exchange is between consumers and suppliers previously unknown to each other who are motivated by economic gain. For the populations of the lower-income neighbourhoods, in contrast, paid informal exchange occurs mostly between relatives, friends and neighbours for reasons associated with redistribution and sociality. Consequently, we show the need to move beyond assigning a universal character and logic to paid informal work and for greater recognition of the socio-spatial differences in this form of exchange. El objetivo de este articulo es demostrar que la esfera extensiva y creciente del trabajo pagado informal no es en todos sitios igual. En cambio, identificamos distintas diferencias socio-espaciales en al carácter y en el porque la gente se dedica a tales trabajos. Recurrimos a entrevistas con 511 hogares de barrios urbanos con ingresos elevados e ingresos bajos en varios ciudades británicas para revelar que, para los que viven en los barrios de ingresos elevados, la mayoría del trabajo pagado informal se conduce según relaciones sociales parecidas a las del empleo formal. En este caso, el intercambio ocurre entre consumidores y proveedores, previamente desconocidos, motivados por ganancia. Por cambio, en los barrios de ingresos bajos, el intercambio pagado informal ocurre principalmente entre familia, amigos y vecinos por razones asociadas con la redistribución y la socialidad. Por consiguiente, demostramos la necesidad de avanzar mas allá del mero nombrar un carácter y una lógica universal al trabajo pagado informal, y de dar mayor reconocimiento a las diferencias socio-espaciales en esta forma de intercambio.     

The Call-Centre: a child welfare liaison program with immigrant serving agencies

Alberta, Canada, welcomed nearly 16,000 landed immigrants in 2003, of whom more than half came to the Calgary area. Approximately 200,000 immigrants of various ethnic and cultural groups now live in the region. Many of these new arrivals have no natural support networks while struggling with language, cultural, and economic barriers. Recognizing these difficulties, the Calgary and Area Child and Family Services Authority (CFSA) joined with several Immigrant Serving Agencies to develop guidelines and procedures to direct staff working with diverse cultures, including the Call-Centre pilot project, which provided CFSA staff with a one-stop telephone contact for information about an immigrant or refugee family, their culture, and available culturally-appropriate resources. The Call-Centre, which is currently being evaluated by researchers at the University of Calgary, will gradually expand to all CFSA sites in the region. This article describes the Call-Centre and the first phase of the evaluation.     

Prevention validation and accounting platform: a framework for establishing accountability and performance measures of substance abuse prevention programs

The field of substance abuse prevention has neither an overarching conceptual framework nor a set of shared terminologies for establishing the accountability and performance outcome measures of substance abuse prevention services rendered. Hence, there is a wide gap between what we currently have as data on one hand and information that are required to meet the performance goals and accountability measures set by the Government Performance and Results Act of 1993 on the other. The task before us is: How can we establish the accountability and performance measures of substance abuse prevention programs and transform the field of prevention into prevention science? The intent of this volume is to serve that purpose and accelerate the processes of this transformation by identifying the requisite components of the transformation (i.e., theory, methodology, convention on terms, and data) and by introducing an open forum called, Prevention Validation and Accounting (PREVA) Platform. The entire PREVA Platform (for short, the Platform) is designed as an analytic framework, which is formulated by a collectivity of common concepts, terminologies, accounting units, protocols for counting the units, data elements, and operationalizations of various constructs, and other summary measures intended to bring about an efficient and effective measurement of process input, program capacity, process output, performance outcome, and societal impact of substance abuse prevention programs. The measurement units and summary data elements are designed to be measured across time and across jurisdictions, i.e., from local to regional to state to national levels. In the Platform, the process input is captured by two dimensions of time and capital. Time is conceptualized in terms of service delivery time and time spent for research and development. Capital is measured by the monies expended for the delivery of program activities during a fiscal or reporting period. Program capacity is captured by fourteen measurement units, tapping into the dimensions of staff resources and community assets. Staff resources are, in turn, operationalized in terms of staff size, staff certification status, staff turnover rate, and the accreditation status of a provider agency. Community assets are operationalized by the number of community centers accessible to the funded agency, number of formalized teams or antidrug coalitions active in the catchment area, and other social/human services providers with whom the prevention agency has formalized networks. The totality of process output from all sources of program activities is reduced to eighteen classes of measures. These are operationalized by thirty-three summary measures. Some of these include: total count of events facilitated; total number of clients served; average number of clients served per event; clients served by single and multiple program sessions; classification of target population in terms of the severity of risk as defined by the Institute of Medicine; age groups and race/ethnicity of clients served; number of program participants retained by recurring programs; number of clients who have completed the program; penetration rates to the target population; client attrition rates; average referral rates per provider per time interval; referral success rates; and so on. All process output measures specified in the Platform are derived from two broad classes of events classified as either products or services. The collectivity of these measures is expected to present a cost-effective, parsimonious, yet comprehensive picture of the entire spectrum of the process output, i.e., "what came out of the program as program activities". For the measurement of performance outcomes, two types of data are incorporated into the Platform: outcome data from individuals and the behavior (or performance) of social indicators from aggregated data bases. Individual data are used to evaluate the outcome of substance abuse programs