Precaution and liquidity in the demand for housing

We exploit cross-sectional mortgage data to investigate the importance of liquidity constraints and a precautionary motive in the demand for housing. Households that are not liquidity constrained consume housing services essentially as the life cycle hypothesis suggests but with a significant precautionary component. Households that are liquidity constrained, in terms of not meeting standard loan-to-value or payments-to-income constraints, are similar to unconstrained households in most respects, including the precautionary motive, but they respond somewhat less to fluctuations in their lifetime income - suggesting some influence of bank-induced liquidity constraints. We additionally find, however, that banks enforce liquidity constraints only weakly.     

Social media in the 2011 Egyptian uprising

This paper uses Gallup poll data to assess two narratives that have crystallized around the 2011 Egyptian uprising: (1) New electronic communications media constituted an important and independent cause of the protests in so far as they enhanced the capacity of demonstrators to extend protest networks, express outrage, organize events, and warn comrades of real‐time threats. (2) Net of other factors, new electronic communications media played a relatively minor role in the uprising because they are low‐cost, low‐risk means of involvement that attract many sympathetic onlookers who are not prepared to engage in high‐risk activism. Examining the independent effects of a host of factors associated with high‐risk movement activism, the paper concludes that using some new electronic communications media was associated with being a demonstrator. However, grievances, structural availability, and network connections were more important than was the use of new electronic communications media in distinguishing demonstrators from sympathetic onlookers. Thus, although both narratives have some validity, they must both be qualified.     

Is Industrial Unrest Reviving in Canada? Strike Duration in the Early Twenty‐First Century

Les données canadiennes à long terme sur la fréquence, la durée et l'ampleur des grèves laissent entendre que la grève est un acte en voie de disparition. Cependant, le début du 21^e siècle va à l'encontre du point de vue de ces prévisions. Depuis 2001, la durée moyenne d'une grève est plus longue, et n'est pas anticyclique. Ce document explique cette anomalie en utilisant l'argument que les employeurs tentent de réduire les gains salariaux des décennies précédentes en raison de la hausse de la dette publique et de la menace d'un marché de moins en moins entravé. Ces conditions motivent apparemment certains travailleurs à subir de très longs arrêts de travail, sans tenir compte de l'étape du cycle économique, dans le but de protéger leurs droits. Canadian data on strike frequency, duration, and volume imply that the strike is withering away. Some research also suggests that strike duration is countercyclical. However, the early twenty‐first century was anomalous from the viewpoint of these expectations. After 2001, mean strike duration increased and was not countercyclical. This paper explains the anomaly by arguing that employers are seeking to scale back the wage gains of previous decades in the face of mounting public debt and the whip of an increasingly unfettered market. These conditions apparently motivate some workers to endure protracted work stoppages, irrespective of the phase of the business cycle, in an effort to protect their rights.     

The enduring importance of national identity in cooperative European Union Borderlands: Polish university students' perceptions on cross-border cooperation in the Pomerania euro-region

European integration, through euro-regions, voluntary zones of cooperation across national borders, and the eastward expansion of the Schengen Zone have transformed Europe borderlands into sites of bi-national collaboration. This study evaluates how a group of Polish university students living in the Pomerania euro-region view the new ease of cross-border mobility and the types of cross-border activities they engage in. If the experience of students in the border city of Szczecin is reflective of other European borderlands, than cross-border cooperation has not diminished the importance of the border as a mental marker of nation-state boundaries or the importance of national identity.     

A review of inflation accounting and its economic implications

The purposes of this paper are firstly to identify the problems which inflation creates in the context of conventional accounting methods, secondly to consider the alternative forms of inflation accounting which have been proposed, thirdly to look in more detail at the particular method which is to be adopted in the UK, and finally to consider the effects which that method will have on company results and on broader economic issues.     

A hierarchical theory of occupational segregation and wage discrimination

Becker's model of discrimination is extended to the case where men exhibit distastes for working under female managers. The distribution of women in the resulting occupational hierarchy depends on the number of women in lower occupations, the wages of male workers in lower occupations, and male distastes for female management. Thus, there exists an occupational sorting function, related to wages, that determines the occupational distribution of women. We integrate this sorting function into a standard wage equation to derive a new decomposition of male-female wage differentials and apply it to a sample of insurance industry workers from the 1988 CPS.     

Assessing Variation in Tolerance in 23 Muslim‐Majority and Western Countries

Scholars disagree over whether Islam hinders the development of liberal democracy in Muslim‐majority countries. We contribute to this debate by assessing the influence of Islam at the individual and national levels on ethnic, racial, and religious tolerance in 23 countries. Our analyses are based on a set of multilevel models fitted to World Values Survey data and national‐level contextual information from various sources. Our findings suggest that people living in Muslim‐majority countries tend to be less tolerant than are those living in Western countries. Although a significant part of this difference is attributable to variation in level of economic development and income inequality, Muslim countries remain less tolerant even after controlling for these factors. On the other hand, controlling for other individual‐level factors, nonpracticing Muslims in Western countries are more tolerant than are all others in both Muslim‐majority and Western countries. This finding challenges common claims about the effects of Islam as a religion on tolerance, suggesting that it is Islamic political regimes—not Islam itself—that pose problems for social tolerance. Les chercheurs ont des opinions divergentes à savoir si l'islam freine le développement d'une démocratie libérale dans les pays à majorité musulmane. Nous contribuons à ce débat en évaluant l'influence de l'islam aux niveaux individuel et national sur la tolérance ethnique, raciale et religieuse dans 23 pays. Nos analyses sont basées sur un ensemble de modèles à plusieurs niveaux ajustés en fonction des données du World Values Survey et de l'information contextuelle au niveau national ayant été obtenue auprès de diverses sources. Nos constatations suggèrent que les personnes vivant dans des pays à majorité musulmane ont tendance à être moins tolérantes que celles vivant dans les pays occidentaux. Bien qu'une grande partie de cette différence soit attribuable à la variation du niveau de développement économique et à l'inégalité de revenu, les pays musulmans demeurent moins tolérants, même après le contrôle de ces facteurs. En revanche, en contrôlant d'autres facteurs au niveau individuel, les musulmans non pratiquants des pays occidentaux sont plus tolérants que tous les autres des pays à majorité musulmane et des pays occidentaux. Cette constatation s'élève contre les allégations communes au sujet des effets de l'islam comme religion sur la tolérance, suggérant que ce sont les régimes politiques islamiques, et non pas l'islam en soi, qui posent des problèmes en ce qui a trait à la tolérance sociale.