Public Perceptions of Risk and Preference-Based Values of Safety

This article reports the results of two studies aimed at estimating preference-based values of safety in three contexts—namely rail, domestic fires and fires in public places—relative to the corresponding value for roads using matching (or equivalence) questions. In addition, both studies included a variety of questions intended to shed light on respondents' perceptions of risk and attitudes to safety in the various contexts. While the two studies were, to all intents and purposes, identical in the procedure that they employed, the essential difference between them was that the first study took place in late 1998, whereas the second study was carried out in early 2000 in the aftermath of a major rail accident at Ladbroke Grove near London's Paddington station which occurred in October 1999 and in which 29 passengers and 2 train drivers died. In addition, the second study sample was deliberately weighted to contain an above-average proportion of regular rail users. These studies demonstrated how certain factors which have been shown to affect people's perception of risk (see Slovic, P. (1992). In S. Krimsky and D. Golding (eds.), Social Theories of Risk, Westport, CT: Praeger, pp. 117–152) also affected our respondents' priorities over safety programs. The results also showed however, that the impact of these perceptions upon the trade-offs between preventing deaths in different hazard contexts was a good deal less pronounced than has been suggested by the value differentials that are currently implicit—and in some cases, explicit—in public policy making.     

BEYOND MANIPU LATION:

Critical social histories of consumption often attribute the rise of consumer culture largely to the success of advertising and marketing while leaving unexplored a wide range of consumer education practices that aimed not to minimize but to maximize thoughtful consumer conduct. In this article I move beyond the manipulation hypothesis that I find embedded in these critical histories in order to investigate how one woman's consumer education practices contributed toward a discourse and subjectivity for the modem, urban, middle-class woman consumer. Lillian Gilbreth (1878–1972) developed her own psychology of work satisfaction as a scientific management consultant in the 1910s and applied this industrial psychology to women consumers in the late 1920s. Michel Foucault's image of "government" as "the conduct of conduct," along with newer lines of analysis developed by scholars interested in governmentality, provide useful tools for showing how Gilbreth attempted to make women into careful organizers of family consumption. Her story allows us to glimpse a whole dimension of governmental power that has been overshadowed by a preoccupation with manipulative power in many sociological and historical studies.
A penny saved is a penny earned.
                    Benjamin Franklin, Poor Richard's Almanack ¹
Through the various campaigns for Wise Spending, the woman consumer has come to know that while as an individual she may have a small budget, she belongs to a group which controls vast sums of money. She can use this power to help or to hinder.
                    Lillian Moller Gilbreth, "Know the Facts"     

ON THE USE OF X2 AS A TEST OF INDEPENDENCE IN CONTINGENCY TABLES WITH SMALL CELL EXPECTATIONS

When an r×c contingency table has many cells having very small expectations, the usual χ² approximation to the upper tail of the Pearson χ² goodness-of-fit statistic becomes very conservative. The alternatives considered in this paper are to use either a lognormal approximation, or to scale the usual χ² approximation. The study involves thousands of tables with various sample sizes, and with tables whose sizes range from 2×2 through 2×10×10. Subject to certain restrictions the new scaled χ² approximations are recommended for use with tables having an average cell expectation as small as 0·5.     

Empowerment revisited—social work,resistance and agency in black communities

The struggles of black communities in Britain are well established in modes of empowerment that shape and direct their social welfare activities. This legacy of empowerment continues to be expressed in social action orientated strategies found in many black community based groups and organisations. The introduction of anti-racist and multicultural approaches in the empowerment process has been useful in highlighting the ways in which black communities have been disempowered through social work policies and practice. However, the experiences, values and interpretations instituted by black communities themselves are often marginalised in the public realm. These considerations draw attention to the ways in which empowerment is largely defined by professionals and policy makers who have considerable influence in shaping and directing the life chances of black families and communities. These insights provide important ways to address marginalisation through publicly affirming and recognising the specific experiences, cultures, social realities and contributions of black com­munities. This paper examines concepts of empowerment in social work and maintains that the profession has ignored black communities’ interpretations, cultural antecedents, experiences and values as a source of new perspectives and ideas for practice. These new approaches can assist social workers and policymakers in responding to the changing needs of black communities.     

Sustaining People Right Through Their Lives: Interview With Graham Martin

In this interview Graham Martin reflects on his long career in child and adolescent mental health. He shares his formative experiences with some of the pioneers in the field of attachment theory and the many varied ways that this information has influenced his work in the provision of care to children in hospital, health promotion, understanding the distress of suicidal youth, and his ongoing therapeutic work with families.     

Calculation of life tables from survey data: A technical note

Life table calculations from survey data are frequently based on events for which exact dates are not available. When these dates are coded in monthly form (e.g., century months), estimates should take into account the fact that the first duration interval—the interval which captures events occurring in the first month of exposure—is half the length of all remaining intervals. Although failure to do so has a trivial effect on many demographic calculations, estimates which are based on events which occur with high frequency in the first few months of exposure can be substantially biased. Estimates offecundability for four countries in the World Fertility Survey are used to illustrate this bias.