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This article examines the controversy that erupted in 2006 when the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) was accused of banning certain commentators. The ‘blacklisting’ saga surfaced differences in ideas and practices of publicness among the contenders in the controversy and revealed that notions of the public, public accountability and the public interest were contested. The research describes independent newsroom practices conducted in terms of journalistic ethics and professional ideologies, and shows that journalists assume a powerful role in defining publics and calling them into being, as well as in orchestrating their participation in public deliberation. This is a professional responsibility that is recognised and defended. However, the practices associated with that responsibility and the power to orchestrate the debate in particular ways are not critically engaged within the profession. Just as the debate illuminates the concept of publicness imported into journalistic practice, it also illuminates concepts imported into SABC institutional practice which are rooted in a long lineage of national democratic struggle. In the controversy, the two concepts chafed against each other, propounded in each case by protagonists embedded in their respective lineages. The controversy was thus more than simply a struggle for political control; it was a contest about the meaning of democratic citizenship itself, rooted in differing but intersecting political‐intellectual logics.  相似文献   
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Abstract

‘Getting There Together’ is a professional education seminar developed as a collaborative project by professionals, mental health consumers and carers aimed at service providers who work with children of parents with mental illness and their families. The need for such professional education concerning this group is well recognised and the project reported herein was initiated by a reference group of professionals, consumers and carers focusing on children of parents with mental illness in the Eastern region of Melbourne (Victoria, Australia). The project began and continued as a collaborative effort during development and implementation, which ensured the experience, point of view and voice of consumers and carers was central to the material prepared, and at the time of seminar presentations. Seminar participants were from the family welfare, child care and supported housing sectors. Seminar participants found the first person accounts of consumers and carers the most helpful aspects of the seminars because they gave new insights into the experiences of carers and of mental health consumers as parents, as well as an understanding of ‘… the whole family, and how the child fits into the picture’.  相似文献   
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A class of individual-level models (ILMs) outlined by R. Deardon et al., [Inference for individual level models of infectious diseases in large populations, Statist. Sin. 20 (2010), pp. 239–261] can be used to model the spread of infectious diseases in discrete time. The key feature of these ILMs is that they take into account covariate information on susceptible and infectious individuals as well as shared covariate information such as geography or contact measures. Here, such ILMs are fitted in a Bayesian framework using Markov chain Monte Carlo techniques to data sets from two studies on influenza transmission within households in Hong Kong during 2008 to 2009 and 2009 to 2010. The focus of this paper is to estimate the effect of vaccination on infection risk and choose a model that best fits the infection data.  相似文献   
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The passage of the Work Choices Act 2005 serves to eliminate one of the last symbols of fairness in Australian society; the judicially‐determined conciliation and arbitration system and wage‐setting machinery. In this paper we examine the flawed conceptual framework, which underpins the Government's view that reducing the rights and protections of workers will produce superior labour market outcomes. We argue that the principal failure of the Work Choices Act is that it ignores the role of macroeconomic policy in directly addressing the efficiency and equity issues that have been said to motivate its provisions. The Act also ignores the different bargaining power of workers and capital and pays no attention to the serious social repercussions that will flow when labour is treated like a commodity. The imperative to minimise labour costs under Work Choices will spur a race to the bottom and the profusion of insecure, low‐paid, poor‐quality work in an economy characterised by allocative and dynamic inefficiency.  相似文献   
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