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31.
32.
33.
Sets of relatively short time series arise in many situations. One aspect of their analysis may be the detection of outlying
series. We examine the performance of standard normal outlier tests applied to the means, or to simple functions of the means,
of AR(1) series, not necessarily of equal lengths. Although unequal lengths of series implies that the means have unequal
variances, that are only known approximately, it is shown that nominal significance levels hold good under most circumstances.
Thus a standard outlier test can usefully be applied, avoiding the complication of estimating the time series' parameters.
The test's power is affected by unequal lengths, being higher when the slippage occurs in one of the longer series 相似文献
34.
Bram Thuysbaert 《Journal of Economic Inequality》2008,6(1):33-55
Empirical applications of poverty measurement often have to deal with a stochastic weighting variable such as household size.
Within the framework of a bivariate distribution function defined over income and weight, I derive the limiting distributions
of the decomposable poverty measures and of the ordinates of stochastic dominance curves. The poverty line is allowed to depend
on the income distribution. It is shown how the results can be used to test hypotheses concerning changes in poverty. The
inference procedures are briefly illustrated using Belgian data.
An erratum to this article can be found at 相似文献
35.
Singh et al. ([13]) pointed out that the Randomized response (RR) technique proposed by Moors ([9]) is not desirable because
it fails to protect the confidentiality of the respondents and they provided two alternative strategies free from the above
drawback but limited to SRSWOR sampling only. In this paper, generalization of one of the strategies is provided for complex
survey designs, wider class of estimators and for quantitative characteristics. Relative efficiency of the modified strategy
is tested through empirical investigations.
An erratum to this article is available at . 相似文献
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By the late 1990s, Pierre Bourdieu had become the primary public intellectual of major social scientific status at the head of the anti-globalization movement that emerged in France and in other Western European countries. This article discusses how Bourdieu became a leading public intellectual, a role that seems to contrast with his early years as a professional sociologist. It explores what seemed to change in Bourdieu’s activities and outlook as sociologist and what seems to have remained constant. It identifies several institutional conditions that seemed necessary for Bourdieu to be able to play the kind of public intellectual role he did in his later years. Bourdieu’s movement from a peripheral position to a central location in the French intellectual field, the changing character of the field itself, the growing influence of the mass media in French political and cultural life, the failures of the French Socialists in power, a cultural legacy of leading critical intellectuals in France, a unifying national issue of globalization, and the political conjuncture in 1995 all intersected in ways that opened a path for Bourdieu to choose new and more frequent forms of political action. His responses to that combination of factors at different moments reveal both a striking continuity in desire to preserve the autonomy of intellectual life and a change in view and strategy on how best to do that. The article concludes with a brief evaluation of Bourdieu’s public intellectual role. 相似文献
40.
Although Latinas/os have a long history in the USA and represent a growing percentage of the population, they remain largely invisible or stereotyped in dominant images and discourses. Such representations are often ahistorical, and they camouflage the effects of US power and inequality. However, the spring 2006 immigrant rights demonstrations disturbed dominant conceptions. The demonstrators called attention to the contradictory US practices that disrupt home countries, recruit labor migrants, and deny immigrants full participation. Likewise, the role of students in these demonstrations spurred reflections on why youth would walk out of their schools for immigrant rights. Inspired by these demonstrations, we combine materials from multiple disciplines to emphasize the significance of US imperialism, exploitation, and exclusion on Latina/o migration, education, and activism. Key to this article is a reframing of how the media, K-12 curriculum, and popular discourse often engage in a cultural cover-up that sustains inequality. 相似文献